of Spain will be directed to retain it. But, thanks to the obstinacy of Ferdinand, not many years will go round before we shall give him a little trouble on that score.

"As to the second point, we have, indeed, known that a negociation has been long pending between Spain and England to induce the latter power to afford an active assistance against the Spanish independents. The question for the English ministry in this negociation is two-fold-the right of such interference and the policy of it. With respect to the right, we have no hesitation in saying that it will not admit a doubt. It is an acknowledged principle in the European law of nations, that any one nation may assist another to subdue revolted colonies or provinces-the treaty with Spain justifies such an interposition. With respect to the question of right, therefore, there is no doubt. The English ministry. may in this respect act as they please. The point therefore is reduced to the mere question of policy.

"Upon this head we have been so copious in some of our former papers that we have here little to add. South America is a new country and in its first agricultural stage, and therefore naturally the most promising and beneficial customer to an old country. They possess in abundance, or may possess under due encouragement, all that we want, raw materials, cotton, sugar, &c.; and they want, and as they increase in population, will increase in the want, of all that we possess-manufactures. Such a dealer is the sure material of wealth and aggrandisement to an old commercial country; and hence, the value of the United States to us. But under the Spanish monopoly, the produce, consumption, and trade, of such a country, are necessarily repressed within the lowest possible limits. Every thing comes to them so dear, that they can consume but little; and the mother-country, (having the monopoly of purchase) buys so little, and buys it so cheaply, as to detain agriculture always in its infancy, from the want of encouragement. Hence, under such a monopoly, such colonies are little more than kitchen gardens to their own mother-countries, of little use to them, and of none to the general commerce of the world.

"Under such circumstances, it is the most manifest policy of England not to maintain and encourage the union of Spain and her colonies, and most assuredly not to lend any active assistance to this end. It is a duty of our direct alliance with Spain not to assist the Independents. It is a duty of prudence, resulting from our commercial policy, not to assist the mother-country. Let them fight it out, and let us hope for that happy result which without destroying the principles of religion and morality, will extend the compass of the English commerce.

"Upon these principles we cannot persuade ourselves to give any weight to the articles put forth in the Madrid journals. It is, perhaps, one of those articles which the editors have been taught to form by their late French masters. It is a known artifice amongst the Parisian editors to take their wishes for granted, and to insinuate the reasonableness of their expectations in the impos-: sibility of their being disappointed. According to our own humble opinion, the present ministry are too well acquainted with commercial principles (and particularly Lord Liverpool) to have two wishes or opinions upon the subject. Our clear interest is for the success of the cause of the Independents."

That a more perfect idea may be formed of the interest excited in the United States in favor of the South American struggle, the English editor has subjoined the following, extracted from an American paper, under the head of POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES:

"In considering the state of our southern neighbors, it must be just to recollect our own thoughts in such great perils. The records of our history are, that the first step of the Congress, after the declaration of independence, was to send Mr. Silas Deane to France, to request permission of the French ministry to purchase in France, arms and military stores for an army. From the reception of Mr. Deane, Congress perceived that France was favorable to their cause, and they immediately appointed Dr. Franklin their minister at Paris, with full powers. A ship, mounting 36 guns, was provided to carry him. He was at Nantz on the 18th of December, 1776, and two prizes were taken on the passage, and carried into Nantz and sold. An English writer says, the public fact of Dr. Franklin's arrival in France, and the fact of the French ministry permitting these prizes to be sold in a French port, were indisputable proofs of hostility to Great Britain. But the ministers of Great Britain were afraid of a war with France, and France, not being prepared for war, chose to temporise. Dr. Franklin was honored privately with all the countenance he could expect. Two months after the surrender of General Burgoyne, the French entered into an alliance with the Americans, offensive and defensive. When this measure had taken place, the British ministry made several attempts to open a negociation with Dr. Franklin, but they were too late.' The importance of these events in the American revolution can never be forgotten, and they may serve to direct our policy, whenever our interest and our duty may combine in the affairs of any other people struggling for just liberty with good hopes of gaining it. The same spirit which sought and justified this negociation, vindicated the zeal of miliVOL. XIII.

Pam.

NO. XXV.

F

tary adventures. Kosciusko, whose talents and education had gained him favor in Europe, dictated by his personal affairs, left Europe. He came to America, and offered himself a volunteer to General Washington. This great man knew the value of the gift, and gave him an honorable appointment; and no man has refused to confess that his bravery and his humanity rendered important services to the United States. After peace was settled, he found in the bosom of his country a home which had not become less happy from the reputation he had gained in the cause of.liberty. These services have been the subject of many an eulogy in the United States; and the history of this hero is inseparable from the history of our independence. Our expectations from the Netherlands, who had suffered in the defence of their own liberties, emboldened Congress to expect their support, and forbid any delay to seek it. The appointment of Henry Laurens, the former president of the continental Congress, discovered what honor was associated with a commission entrusted to a citizen of his great reputation, from his private virtues, his experience, and his patriotism. If he did not enter upon the duty of his trust, the appointment discovered the purpose of his country, and the history of his treatment in captivity will explain the importance of his commission in the opinion of the public enemy. Mr. Adams succeeded in this commission, and in friendship with Spain and France, our political hopes prepared us for our final success. The Empress of Russia, though not prepared to give a full welcome to a minister from the American Congress, yet she gave those indulgences which amply rewarded the attention paid to her, and encouraged the defence of our independence.

"At the time of sending a minister to the Hague, Governor Trumbull expressed a wish to conciliate the favor and encourage the emigration of the people of Europe. The only obstacle, says he, which I foresee to the settlement of foreigners in our country, will be the taxes; and he adds what he thinks it proper to lessen them. We give the following thought, in his own words, addressed to a person in Holland :-' In short, it is not so much my wish that the United States should gain credit among foreign nations for the loan of money, as that all nations, and especially your countrymen in Holland, should be made acquainted with the real state of the American war. The importance and greatness of this rising empire, the future extensive value of our commerce, the advantages of colonisation, are objects which need only to be known, to command your attention, protection, and support.' With us it is to consider whether the same objects may not offer again in some other parts of America, and may not have equal claims upon the attention of all commercial nations. That our

nation did not forget its obligations to France at the commencement of the French revolution, the documents respecting our foreign affairs, which have been given to the world by our minister, Mr. Monroe, now the President of the United States, will sufficiently explain. My instructions, says that great patriot, enjoined my utmost endeavors to inspire the French government with perfect confidence in the solicitude which was felt for the success of the French revolution, and of the preference due to a nation which had rendered us important services in our revolution. The senate had expressed with sensibility the same good wishes, and the House of Representatives say to the ally of the United States, that with increasing enthusiasm in the cause of liberty, they take a deep interest in the happiness and prosperity of the French republic. A nation, like our own, that is indebted to foreign aid for the independence it possesses; that has welcomed to its service the talents and virtues of foreigners; that has been solicitous to explain its hopes to the world, and professes in turn a readiness to prefer the allies of its infancy for the strength they gave, will not be hasty in rejecting the best opportunities to extend the blessings it enjoys in full consent with its commerce and prosperity; and they who have felt the gratitude which the enthusiasm of past times has inspired, will never be deceived by any names which may be used to disgrace the obligations we owe to the cause of humanity, wherever it may appear. If our humanity' can do but little, we may be suffered to do much by the example of those who consult only their own interest. We should not be deceived by a policy that may seem to appeal to our integrity, while it may serve itself of our simplicity. The history of our own may explain to us what we owe to South America.

"Dean Tucker, in his answer to objections upon separation of the colonies, observes It has been the unanimous opinion of the North Americans for these fifty years past,' speaking at the declaration of independence, that the seat of empire ought to be transferred from the less to the greater country, that is, from England to America; or, as Dr. Franklin elegantly phrased it, from the cock-boat to the man of war. Moreover, the famous American pamphlet, Common Sense, (in the composition of which Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams are supposed to be principally concerned) declares it to be preposterous, absurd, and against the course of nature, that a great continent should be governed by an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet. And as England and America, with respect to each other, reverse the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different systems-England to Europe, and America to itself."

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