both parties until 1848, when peace was finally concluded, after several bloody engagements had been fought, without any definite result on either side; and the city of Mexico had been stormed and taken by the Americans under General Scott. In 1852, after Santa Anna and Herrera had been in turn deposed and recalled to power, a revolutionary movement of more than ordinary importance brought General Cevallos for a time to the head of affairs; but, when the insubordination and arrogance of the soldiery threatened universal anarchy, Santa Anna was again recalled, March 17, 1853. Having reorganized the army, and suppressed by the most cruel severity the insurrection of the Federals, he declared himself president for life, and thus again rekindled civil war. In 1855, he had to flee from the country.

When Santa Anna, in August, 1855, signed his abdication and took ship to Havana, the confusion reached a point of anarchy. At last General Alvarez, an Indian from the south, obtained the presidential dignity, but was opposed by General Felix Zuloaga, who was proclaimed president by the Conservatives; and subsequently a third president, Benito Juarez, was appointed by the party of Puros. The dissensions brought about by the rival presidents afforded the States of North America an opportunity for demanding the right of transit across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec-a demand which was equivalent to a surrender of the whole Mexican trade to the Union.

The finances of the State were now in such confusion that it was determined to suspend all payments, including interest, on the English debt for two years. The government of Spain succeeded in inducing England and France to take joint action against the republic. In the Convention of London, October 31, 1861, the three powers declared "that they found themselves compelled, through the uncertainty of Mexican jurisdiction, to demand greater protection for their subjects and their possessions, and to compel the carrying out of the engagements that had been made by treaty," while admitting the perfect right of the Republic of Mexico to choose its own form of government. This was followed by the despatch of three squadrons and troops of war to America, and the investment of the town of Vera Cruz with the fort of St. Juan de Ulloa. This expedition of combined troops under a French, Spanish, and English commander

was wanting, however, in strength and unity. After effecting but little, the three generals entered into fresh negotiations with Juarez, and in the treaty of La Soledad ended with recognizing his presidentship.

Soon afterwards, Don Juan Almonte, the son of Morelos, the champion of liberty, who had lived for many years in Paris and enjoyed great confidence among the Conservatives, accompanied by Father Miranda and other chiefs of the Church party, entered the camp, and declared himself to be a person in the confidence of the emperor Napoleon. His presence soon became a source of uneasiness to the English and Spanish commanders, as the intervention, in consequence, threatened to assume greater proportions. They had not foreseen a war, but only a demonstration. When, therefore, Juarez demanded Almonte's surrender, Prim, and the English commander, Wyke, regarded the request as just and equitable; and as the feeling gained ground that the pecuniary relationship was only being used by Napoleon as a pretext for conquering Mexico and "regenerating the Latin race there," the Spanish and English ships soon sailed for home, leaving the empire of Mexico to its fate, April, 1862. The French, however, considered that the honor of the nation and the emperor demanded that an enterprise, begun with such ostentation, should not be so ingloriously abandoned, and the religious zeal of the empress Eugénie strengthened her husband in a project by which he might in some degree atone for his co-operation in the violation of the States of the Church.

The position of the French, however, soon became a critical one. Almonte, who remained in the camp of the French and caused himself to be declared the head of the republic, did not number as many adherents as he endeavored to make his patrons believe; moreover, the French forces were small, and had been further diminished by the ravages of the yellow coast-fever. At last, in August, the French laboriously made their way along the steep mountain-paths of the high plains towards Puebla, and with the new year 1863 began the siege of this strongly fortified town, which was defended by General Ortega with 22,000 men. For several months no definite attack was ventured upon; but at last, after the defeat of General Commonfort, in command of the main army, by General Bazaine

near San Lorenzo, Ortega found himself no longer able to offer resistance, and on June 10, the firing of cannon in Paris announced the latest triumph of the French arms.

On receiving the intelligence of the fall of Puebla, Juarez attempted to hold the capital in subjection by means of terror. An insurrection, however, compelled him to quit the town, and to make San Luis de Potosi the seat of government. To this place he withdrew with his most faithful followers, while the French marched upon the capital. On the same day that the news of the taking of Puebla reached France, Forey, on the part of Almonte, made his entry into Mexico, greeted as a victor by the acclamations of the people. The example of the capital was followed in the provinces. Without considerable resistance the French generals occupied the interior of the country. A new form of government was now established, consisting of a Junta; and a Triumvirate was appointed, including Lamonte, Labastida, archbishop of Mexico, and Mariano Salas. The republican form of government was abolished, and a moderate hereditary monarchy was established under a Catholic prince, who was to bear the title of Emperor of Mexico; and the crown was then made over to the archduke Ferdinand Maximilian of Austria, for himself and his descendants.

The choice had been made with judgment. Maximilian, a younger brother of the reigning emperor of Austria, could, as a Hapsburg, bring with him old associations and historical legitimate rights into the New World. Moreover, the archduke seemed eminently fitted by his excellent education and political experience for the imperial dignity. His wife also, Marie Charlotte, daughter of King Leopold of Belgium, was eager to share with her husband every danger and obstacle, and both, moreover, were inspired with admiration for the political sagacity and commanding talents of the emperor of the French. A ceremonious embassy brought the intelligence to the archduke, Oct. 3, 1863. He declared himself ready to accept the crown as soon as the nation "should have voluntarily confirmed the wish of the capital." On February 4, a solemn Te Deum commemorated the victory of the Intervention over the government of Juarez, and at the same time the archduke Maximilian received the news that upwards of two thou

sand municipalities had declared in his favor, and the prince of Hapsburg now no longer hesitated to accept the offered "crown of Montezuma." After an interview with Napoleon in Paris, he set out with his wife, Marie Charlotte, on his long voyage, and on reaching Mexico was joyfully proclaimed Emperor Maximilian I.

But it was evident that the monarchical principle would have many obstacles to contend with in the romantic South American State. The United States, which had long cast eager glances at Mexico, and had only been prevented by the civil war in their own country from opposing the European Intervention, soon availed themselves of the difficult position of the young Imperial State by attempting to overthrow the new monarchy, and by asserting the "Monroe doctrine," which declared that it was contrary to the interests of the United States for the monarchs of Europe to introduce their system into any part of America. At the same time the peaceful development of the State was impeded by the Liberals and Republicans, as well as by the priesthood and the whole of the reactionary and clerical party. Opposition from without had also to be contended with. The House of Representatives at Washington had already declared, on April 4, "that the people of the United States could not reconcile it with their principles to recognize a Monarchical Government established in America under the auspices of a European power," and it soon became apparent that a conflict between the Union, which regarded President Juarez as the legitimate representative of the republic of Mexico, and the protectorate of France, which upheld the imperial throne with money and troops of war, was only a question of time. And an outbreak soon occurred.

In spite of the efforts of the chivalrous Emperor Maximilian to strengthen his throne and establish peace and order in his kingdom, and, by the promise of an imperial status and popular representation, to win the confidence of the Liberals, neither the French army of occupation nor his own native troops were in a position to dislodge the Republican troops of Juarez. The pecuniary aid rendered by France was also soon exhausted. This state of affairs appeared to the government of Washington. to afford a favorable opportunity for overthrowing the Mexican monarchy. It therefore demanded

that Napoleon should withdraw his troops, and thus render it possible for the Mexican people to decide of their free will what form of government should henceforward prevail, February, 1865, and allowed it to be distinctly understood that the former friendly relations between the Union and France would be endangered "if the French emperor could not reconcile it with his interests and his honor to abstain from armed intervention in Mexico." From this time Napoleon, who was fully aware of the dislike of the French nation for the Mexican expedition, was only intent on finding a pretext for an honorable withdrawal, and above all was anxious to protect the French capitalists from great losses. The commands received by Bazaine were to the effect that in Paris it had been decided to abandon the cause of the emperor Maximilian; and therefore the French general, who had married a rich Mexican, maintained such an attitude that he could withdraw with as little loss as possible to himself and the French army from the unlucky predicament.

The results of this policy were soon apparent. Every day the ranks of Maximilian's adherents diminished; and of the thousands who had at first greeted the Hapsburg with acclamation, and upheld his cause, but few remained. Conspiracies also began to be formed against the life of the betrayed and forsaken prince. In vain did the empress Charlotte herself undertake a journey in the summer of 1866 to Paris and Rome, to obtain from Napoleon material, from the pope spiritual, aid. Deserted by her friends, and deceived in her hopes, she fell into a state of mental distraction. While she passed melancholy days in the friendly fortress of Miramar, tortured by the terrible delusion that she was surrounded by poisoners and murderers, her husband on the other side of the ocean was brought into such straits that he could only with difficulty maintain himself against the increasing power of the Republicans. An abdication, to which Bazaine endeavored to urge him, would have assured him a safe return to Europe under the protection of the French troops; but the representations of his followers, who declared that his retirement would bring down certain ruin on their heads, and the painful thought of quitting the scene of his exploits like a fugitive, and returning home without fame or honor, made such an im

pression on the chivalrous mind of the noblehearted prince, that he rejected the proposition of his protector.

In the first months of the following year the French troops embarked at Vera Cruz, and returned to Europe. The power of the archduke now rapidly dwindled away. At the instigation of the inhabitants of the capital, who were apprehensive for their safety, Maximilian at last attempted an expedition to the north of the country, and advanced at the head of his small army against the fortress of Queretaro. His chief general, Marquez, now organized a system of terrorism in the capital in the name of the emperor, which called forth general indignation. It was not of long continuance, for Queretaro was quickly surrounded by Escobedo and other Liberal leaders. The imperial troops offered brave resistance, and Maximilian led forward his troops with spirited valor. He sought to die a soldier's death in honorable combat; this, however, was denied him; he was to fall by treachery, which always surrounded him. Commander Miguel Lopez, one of the few leaders who had hitherto remained faithful to him, betrayed him in the last hour for the reward of Judas. The emperor was taken prisoner by President Juarez, and after the lapse of a few weeks was tried by court-martial and sentenced to death.

On June 19, 1867, Ferdinand Maximilian was led forth from the narrow cell of the Capuchin monastery at Queretaro, where he had passed his imprisonment, to the place of execution, and was there shot, with his companions in misfortune, Miramon and Mejia. He met death with steadfastness and courage. On the same day the capital of Mexico fell into the hands of the general, Porfirio Diaz; and when, eight days later, Vera Cruz also surrendered, President Juarez was able once more, after four years' banishment, to make his entry into the ancient stronghold. Only after long negotiations could the Austrian imperial family obtain the surrender of the body of the archduke for burial in his native soil. Even before his remains had been brought home by Admiral Tegethoff, the noble empress Charlotte, released from the dark cloud of madness, had returned to the land of her birth, where she lived secluded. From the time that she learnt of her husband's tragic fate, her mind had seldom been cheered by bright moments.

The events and changes in Mexico had produced a corresponding impression in all the states of Central and South America, which had once stood under Spanish rule. They all alike shared in the civil and financial confusion, which had there led to the European Intervention. Had the new government succeeded in Mexico, the example would certainly have been imitated in the Southern States, and Napoleon's "greatest idea" would have been no dream. The republics of the Central and Southern States were, however, distracted by internal quarrels and dissensions; torn by savage party-conflicts and passionate racial hatred, they plunged from one revolution into another, and could but little enjoy the

fruits of their independence. Instead of creating a national self-government, which had its root in the character of the people, republican institutions had been superficially adopted, and, in place of true liberty, a phantom government had been established.

Like the United States in the north, the South American republics divided the governing power between a president and a congress; but under the veil of these institutions the most antagonistic passions and aspirations contended for the mastery. Not only Creoles, native Indians, and half-caste men made war on one another, but Federalists, Centralists, Conservatives, Liberals, aristocrats, etc.

OLLOWING the example of Mexico, the States of Guatemala, San Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica had constituted themselves into a republic of the United States of Central America, July, 1821. But the union was not of long duration. Disputes arose between the parties of aristocrats and democrats; the president of Guatemala was put to death, and finally all five States organized their own separate government, 1851. For several years a North American adventurer, named William Walker, succeeded in establishing a dictatorial power in Nicaragua, until, on the occasion of an attack by the English on Honduras, he was delivered up to the jurisdiction of this allied State, and was shot at Truxillo, Sept. 12, 1860. A dictatorship was also established in Costa Rica by Carrera of Guatemala, but it was of short duration.

COLUMBIA.

In 1831, Columbia was divided into the three independent free States of Venezuela, New Granada, and Ecuador, with Constitutions similar to the North American States; namely, an elected president and the legislative power lying in the hands of a Congress.

In Venezuela the republic had in the forty years been split up into oligarchies and Federalists, the rivalry between which had brought the State to a condition of anarchy, which afforded the family of Monagas an opportunity for establishing a kind of dictatorial power. After many changes in the pres

idential office, the Federalist leader, Falcon, obtained the chief power, and made a complete revision of the Constitution. Eighteen independent States form the republican union, or the "United States of Venezuela," with a president and congress, at Caracas, as the chief legislative power. As a consequence of this division, fresh revolutions and constitutional struggles arose, which, however, remained limited to smaller circles of action.

Still more stormy was the political existence of New Granada, which since September 20, 1861, had assumed the name of the “United States of Columbia." Here Liberal, clerical, and military revolutions occurred in succession, and kept the country in a continual state of excitement. The Bolivanos, or followers of Bolivar, disputed with the patriots, or Liberals, for the presidential dignity, and the struggle and contentions lasted with varying results for many years. At the end of a long civil war, a new Constitution was established, and the republic of New Granada constituted itself, by a treaty of the Union, the "United Sates of Columbia."

From the time when the old Spanish district of Quito severed itself from the republic of Columbia, and constituted itself the independent republic of Ecuador, under the presidency of General Juan José de Flores, May, 1830, the historical life of the country alternated between revolution and reaction. Flores himself, the head of the Conservatives, was only able to maintain himself in the presidential dignity by force of arms, and was ultimately compelled to leave the country. The Jesuits, under their president Diego Noboa, were now in the as