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346
leagues, he is at leaft over-ruled. But
the noble lord of the American depart-
ment has uniformly and invariably
declared upon principle, that a total
and unconditional submission, an entire
furrender of their property and char-
ters, are with him, the indifpenfable
preliminaries of any treaty of peace.
I have myself troubled the Houfe this
very feffion with fome propofitions of
pacification, offering fecurity to the
colonies upon the articles of taxation
and charters, which have been refufed
upon principle, exprefly argued in the
debate on the part of the miniftry,
that they would not in the least degree
recede from their terms of uncondi-
tional fubmithon, to be enforced by
the fword. Then away with thefe
pretexts; it is clear enough, that they
mean nothing but deftruction and
bloodshed; and to act over again the
mockery of what was last year called
the conciliatory propofition. You
fent orders to dip the fword in Ameri-
can blood, before that propofition,
infidious as it was, could be offered to
any affembly on the continent. This
year again, your pretext is a pretended
commiffion to offer peace, at the fame
time tying up the hands of the com-
miffioners from making any offer but
unconditional fubmiffion, with an ar-
my of foreign mercenaries fent clofe
upon their heels, to lay wafte the
whole country with fire and fword.
My oppofition to this unjuft American
war, is fo total and abfolute against
every part of it, that I hardly know in
what terms to exprefs my averfion to
any one part more than to another; yet
I think if there could remain any mea-
fure exceeding every preceding one,
in difgrace and barbarity, it is this,
of introducing foreign troops. The
first shedding of civil blood was wan-
tonly precipitated by minifterial orders
last year, even before the pretended
plan of conciliation could be propofed
to any affembly on the continent;
therefore the first blood lies at your
door. Notwithstanding this provo-
cation of bloodshed, the Americans
tell you in their declaration, as a proof
of the fincerity of their defire for
peace, that "they have not called in
the rivals of your grandeur," juftly
claiming the merit of forbearance,
under fuch provocation and diftrefs.
Mark the reward we give them for

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.

4

July

their forbearance: their petition is rejected unheard, and the minifter tells the parliament in the king's fpeech, that it is with fatisfaction, that his majesty has received friendly offers of foreign affiftance, to which this House has given for anfwer, that they would chearfully enable his majesty to avail himself of the offer. An American congress have held fuch a meafure in abhorrence; a British parliament have adopted it with chearfulnefs. You have now fet them the example, and perhaps by the very act made it unavoidably neceflary for them, to adopt the fame fatal measure in their own defence. I call it a fatal measure, because when foreign powers are once introduced in this difpute, all poffibility of reconciliation and return to our former connexion are cut off. You have given a juftification to the Americans, by your example, if they should call in the affiftance of foreign powers. Let the minifter, who has advised this meafure to his majesty, confider well of the confequer ces. His head, as well as his hand, is answerable for the treaties. I mean not merely from the effect of these foreign troops in the American dispute, but from all other confequences upon the general fecurity of our fituation with refpect of all foreign powers. We know well with how jealous an eye this country is watched; and more particularly envied on account of the univerfal and uncontrolled empire of the British flag. One fuch treaty fhould not stand alone. If any foreign power fhould attack us, we shall expect of the minifter who has advised thefe treaties for foreign forces, to be prepared with fuch a fyftem of treaties and alliances as fhall fecure this country from the natural confequences to be expected from such interference of foreigners. When you fet the example, you not only juftify America in applying for foreign aid; but every power whatever will think themselves at liberty to take fuch part as may beft fuit their own convenience. Upon the whole of this measure, I think it the most difgraceful, the most unjust and unnatural, and big with the most fatal confequences of any measure, that has been, or could poffibly be adopted: therefore I fhall give it my most hearty negative.".

March

1776.

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.

March 1. The Hon. Temple Luttrell this day moved, "that the proper officer do lay before this House the last weekly accounts received at the Admiralty, from the admiral and commander in chief of his majefty's hips or veffels at the several ports of Chatham, Plymouth, and Portsmouth; together with the last weekly accounts of the ftate and condition of all fuch fhips and veffels of war, as are now employed upon channel service in Great Britain or Ireland.”

This motion was directed to the exposure of the weakness of our home maritime defence. The honourable mover fpecifically ftated, that either the number of feamen neceffary to the manning of the fleet deftined for the operations of war intended to be carried on in America, were not fufficient; or that our coafts must be left defenceless. By feveral very correct calculations he fhewed, that the fhips of war failed or under failing orders for America, would require at leaft 20,000 men to navigate and defend them; that the whole number of feamen voted, amounted to no more than 28,000; that confequently 8,000 men, fuppofing the full establishment had been completed, were all that remain ed to man our guardships, or to fit out a fleet on any emergency; fuch as for the Mediterranean, Eaft or Weft Indies, or even nearer home, to repel an invafion or demand fatisfaction for any infult which might be offered to our flag. If on the other hand, there had not hitherto been full 22,000 feamen and marines mustered, it would amount to this, that the American fervice must be entirely neglected, the fhips on that station must be kept fhort of their complements, the fervice be impeded, the veffels, for want of a fuffi. cient number of hands, run the risk of being loft in bad weather; or if America, as it was reported, meant to commence hoftilities at fea, of falling into the hands of the Provincial pri

vateers.

On the part of administration no direct anfwer was given. It was affert ed generally that our fleet at home was in a most flourishing ftate; that the hips ferving in, or deftined for America, were completely manned; that the guardships had fupernumerary hands; that feainen came in fafter.

347

than they were fought or required; and finally, that fo far from being weak or defencelefs at home, our guardships were in prime order, ready for fea at a few hours notice; we could fit out forty men of war of the line in a few days, and fixty within a month. Here we have the most express contradictions, upon a matter of the first importance, the state and condition of that great bulwark, the only true fupport of our national defence and national confequence, the navy of Great Britain. Such being the cafe, we prefume it will not be difagreeable to say a word or two on the fubject.

The number of men voted for the naval establishment, being 28,000, out of which take 6000 marines, the namber of able and ordinary feamen was fomething short of 22,000. Subftra&t from this number, 4000 feamen employed in the East and West Indies, in the Mediterranean, aboard the coafting frigates, tenders and the feveral cutters employed to prevent smuggling, on the coats of Great Britain and Ireland. Allow likewife 2,000 for the deficiency of the establishment; and the whole of the able and ordinary feamen for the American fervice, and to man feventeen guardships, could not amount to more than 16,000. If then the noble lord's affertion, who prefides at the head of the Admiralty, be true, that the feventeen guardships require 6,500 feamen to fit them for actual fervice, the whole remaining to navigate feventy two fhips and frigates of war from 50 to 16 guns, befides ftorefhips and tenders, would not be quite half the number required, according to the reafonings of the hon. gentleman who made the motion. On this we do not pretend to decide; but if this unnatural war fhould continue another year; and that we fhould not have the fame reafon to depend upon the national weakness, good faith, and folemn affurances of France, the manner of conducting the naval war in America, and the provision to be made for home fecurity, are matters which will be well worthy the most serious attention of every perfon, who has the profperity or fafety of this country at heart.As to the latter part of the defence fet up by the fupporters of adminiftration, we shall not act with fo much caution and circumspection; Y y 2

but

348

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY,

but roundly pronounce the authors of it totally mistaken, if not worse. "The guardfhips," faid one of them, [Sir Hugh Pallifer] " had fupernumerary hands." The other [Lord Mulgrave]" pledged himself as a profeffional man, that we could have a fleet of forty fail of the line in a few weeks, and fixty in a month's time if neceffary." On the firft of thofe affertions, it must be obferved, that the noble lord who prefides at the admiralty board confelled, that the guardships, fince they were drafted aboard the frigates ordered out to America, were rooo men fhort of their complement, though before that demand arose, it was otherwise. On the fecond point, taking this noble lord in the most favourable fenfe, that the guardships were included in this gafconade, it will then amount to this, that twenty three men of war could be fitted out in a fortnight, and forty three in a month. The firft equipment would then take 10.000 feamen, and the fecond at least 8000. Now if Lord Sandwich's frequent af fertions are to be depended on, we cannot even on the return of the Welt and Eaft India fleets, and the veffels from Newfoundland in the fummer and autumn months, procure, with the aid of a prefs, above 6,000 feainen the first month, nor half that number at any feafon of the year, without molt materially injuring our trade. Suppofing then, that thofe twenty three or forty three men of war were lying with their fails bent, ready to proceed to fea, fuch an armament would take full three months before it could be completely manned. On the whole, if it was imprudent on one fide to expofe our domeftic weakness, it was equally criminal to varnish over that weakness, by facts, arguments, and conclufions totally unfupported by truth, and directly tending to mislead adminiftration itfelf, and lull the nation into a fatal fecurity. The question being put on Mr. Luttrell's motion, the Houfe divided, ayes 44, noes 93.

March 4. Lord North's motion for referring the treaties entered into with the Landgrave of Heffe Caffel, Duke of Brunfwick, and the hereditary prince of Heffe-Caffel, being carried, as we have already taken notice of on

July

the 29th of February; the next day, March the firft, the feveral fums as arifing from the fpecifications in the treaties. were voted in the committee of fupply, which being on a Friday, could not be reported till this day.

The great queftion, as to the propriety of the measure having been decided on the motion of reference, the ftand which oppofition made this day, was fupported on other ground than a mere naked oppofition. It was urged by the gentlemen on that fide of the Houfe, that though it was provided by the treaties, that the foreign of ficers were to have every emolument and reap every advantage with our own tried veterans, who had spent their youth, their fortunes, and their blood in the fervice of their country z yet it was ftill to be hoped, that adminiftration, ready as they were to facrifice the honour and intereft of their country, would not confent to have any cloathing we might hereafter be obliged to provide for the foreign troops, made up of any other but British materials; and confequently, that the two-pences on the cloathing, which grew out of those contracts: would be thrown into a fund towards' lightning the expences of those mercenary corps. Adminiftration were likewife reminded, that by the loofeindefinite manner in which the treaties were drawn up, Great Britain was obliged, feemingly at least, to pay the fall Tevy money to recruit fuch as might die or be killed; or make a certain pecuniary compenfation at the end of the war; and yet if the corps fhould be loft, deftroyed, or continued incomplete; the treaty obliged her to pay for the whole number. They therefore: earnestly called for an explanation on that head, and wished to know, if we ftood engaged to pay fo much for every dead man, fo much for every wounded man; and yet continue those dead and wounded men in our pay.

On the first points relative to the cloathing and emoluments, adminiItration feemed inclined to relax; but as to the other, they feemed at firit at a total lofs, in what manner to answer. At length, the minister at the head of the military department finding himself forely preffed, endea voured to play off a kind of ministerial.

349 tracted empire." between the divided parts of this dif,

refpectable figure in this day's debate The Duke of Richmond cut a more than we ever remember him to have Grace spoke for nearly two hours; done on any former occafion. His and was heard with the utmost attention from every fide of the House, tion from his own. and with real pleasure and approba

1776. PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. witticifm: fays his Lordship, best time to answer the honourable "the gentleman's queftion, will be when Tuch a reduction actually happens." This answer called several gentlemen, on their legs, among whom was an officer of very high rank in the fervice, (Sir John Griffin Griffin) who obferved, that it was monitrous to think that we were to pay for recruits, and at the fame time pay for levies that were not complete! A noble Lord (Lord Clare) fuppofed to be in high confidence at court, relieved the oftenfible members of adminiftra. tion from their filence and embarraffment; and faid, that to be fure, we had no right to pay for more men than were regularly returned to be in actual fervice; for as we were to be at the expence of recruiting, it would not be expected that we should pay for the non-effectives.

The refolutions from the committee of fupply being feverally reported, were then, all but the firft, agreed to, without a divifion. That was carried in the affirmative, ayes 120, noes 48. Colonel Barre then made the following motion, which was agreed to without any opposition :

"That an humble addrefs be prefented to his majefty, to humbly defire him to use his intereft, that the German troops in British pay now or hereafter, may be cloathed with the manufactures of this country."

HOUSE of LORDS.

March 5. The Duke of Richmond having a few days before given notice that he would make a motion relative to the treaties entered into with the Prince of Heffe Caffel, Duke of Brunfwick, and hereditary Prince of HeffeCaffel, when the faid treaties were to be taken into confideration; and this being the day fixed for that purpose, as foon as the clerk of the parliament had read faid treaties, his Grace rofe and made the following motion:

"That an humble addrefs be prefented to his majefty, praying that he would be graciously pleafed to countermand the march of the troops of Heffe, Hanau, and Brunswick; and likewife give directions for an immediate fufpenfion of hoftilities in America, in order to lay a foundation for a happy and permanent reconciliation

He difcuffed the

ral grounds of constitutional right, of great American queftion on the fevenational juftice, of political expediency, and found policy. He next, confidered the meafure under confi deration, that of taking foreigners question at large; and thewed the into British pay, as growing out of the bad policy of calling in the aid of foreign mercenaries, for the purpose, of deciding a domestic quarrel. Men pretended intereft in the event; but who could have no poffible or even what refulted from immediate emolument, or the prolongation of a bloody and unnatural civil war. Men avarice, and whofe only merit with whofe views were folely founded in their employers and paymafters, would be their excellence in the arts of huall their horrid concomitants and inman carnage, general devastation, and ftruments, fire, fword, famine, and peftilence. His Grace next turned to the fpecific terms and the probable confequences the measure prefented in government. He obferved, two points its naked state, as a mere measure of lowing the juftice and wisdom of the were to be especially confidered, alAmerican war to stand uncontroverted: The first of thofe was, whether it would be better to employ foreigners in this war than natives; and if it would, whether we had by the prefent treaties engaged them on the best terms. the hiftory of all countries containing On the first head, he faid, tions which have happened in them, accounts of the feveral great revolubear the strongest teftimony how dangerous it is, on any occafion, to introduce foreigners in the termination of civil diffentions; particularly if they be called in as mere mercenaries, and not as allies or auxiliaries fairly and fubftantially interested in the issue of the contest. It required no great

force

350

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.

force of oratory or argument to prove, which defcription the troops, now the fubject of confideration, belonged to. If then they turned out to be mere mercenaries, perfons who fought the deftru&ion of their species for bire, it would follow, that nothing but the molt dire, the most urgent neceflity ought to have induced the fervants of crown, to adopt meafures which rlered fuch an introduction of foreigners into the dominions of the British crown, a part of their duty. The next question, whether we had engaged thofe foreigners on the best terms, was fo intimately connected with, and dependent on the foregoing, that it was virtually decided along with it; for he believed, nay he had official authority to warrant the affertion, that the recruiting fervice had totally failed from a general averfion in the body of the people, to fight against their fellow fubjects, and thofe they look upon to be their brethren and countrymen in a great meafure, as well their brethren in affection and common interest; confequently, it came back to the original question," our own fubjects deteft this war, they confider with horror the idea of cutting the throats of their American brethren, the bufinefs must be done, and neceffity compels us to hire foreigners for the bloody purpose." Before, however, he had done with this part of the queftion, his Grace begged leave to fay a word or two, relative to an argument he heard had been much infifted upon in another place, as well as in general converfation; that was, the comparative cheapnefs of foreigners to home levies. To this he defired to be understood, to give the moft abfolute and unqualified contradiction. If administration would act with candour and confefs fairly, that not only the war was neceffary, but that recruits not being to be had upon any terms, the hiring of mercenaries became an act of neceffity, then he was willing to be filent; but to defend the present treaties on any other ground, was what he would never endure to pass without notice. He then entered into feveral computations which he ftated with all poffible accuracy and precifion, and fhewed, that the 17,000 men propofed to be taken into British pay by

July

thofe treaties, would coft the nation
above a million and a half, besides
contingent expences in America,
which was full double what the fame
number of new levies would cost, in
order to replace the old regiments,
which might be fent to serve in that
country. His Grace dwelt with
great energy and force of argument
on the danger we ftood, in point
of domeftic fecurity. He fhewed
that the whole of the naval force did
not amount to more than 17 fhips of
the line, none of them fit for fea, nor
more than half manned; and feven
battalions of foot, twelve regiments
of herfe and dragoons, befides the
guards, the whole amounting to little
more than 7000 men, which in cafe
of any attack from our natural ene-
mies, would not, after garrifoning
Portsmouth, Plymouth, and leaving
a fmall body of guards to attend his
majesty's perfon, afford a fingle bat-
talion either for the purpofe of re-
pelling an enemy, for covering the
country, or protecting its inhabi-
tants. He obferved on the measures
at large respecting America, that they
originated from a fyftem of despo-
tifm long fince adopted, and which
for many years had been too fuccess-
ful in its purfuits. That the attempt
now made, was to diffeminate and
establish it on the other fide of the At-
lantic, becaufe until that point was
gained, none of the real fruits of
defpotifm could ever ripen, so as to
gratify the wishes, views, and defigns
of those who planned it; that there
were many concurrent circumstances
which encouraged minifters in their
hoftile purfuits towards America, and
the liberties both of that country and
this, on account of the very uncom-
mon fupport they derived from men,
who differed very effentially in their
motives. Some, but he suspected the
number was very small, fupported the
prefent measures from principle; others
from indolence and inattention; others
again from a partial view of the quef-
tion, unconnected with any of its
probable or poffible confequences,
whether the meafures fucceeded or
mifcarried; and the most formidable
of all was that body, who acted upon
fyftem in order to effect a plan of go-
vernment, deftructive to the liberties
of this country, aided, encouraged,

and

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