But however they might excite his commiseration, they could not disturb his peace of mind. "I have long since resolved," said he, writing to the governor of Maryland, "for the present time at least, to let my calumniators proceed without any notice being taken of their invectives by myself, or by any others with my participation or knowledge. Their views, I dare say, are readily perceived by all the enlightened and welldisposed part of the community; and by the records. of my administration, and not by the voice of faction, I expect to be acquitted or condemned hereafter."

In relation to the treaty, time disappointed its enemies, and more than fulfilled the expectations of its friends. It saved the country from a war, improved its commerce, and served in no small degree to lay the foundation of its durable prosperity. The great points, which were said to be sacrificed or neglected, the impressment of seamen, neutral rights, and colonial trade, have never yet been settled, and are never likely to be settled satisfactorily, while England maintains the ascendency she now holds on the ocean.

While

The day following that on which the President affixed his name to the treaty, Mr. Randolph resigned the office of Secretary of State. The circumstances are these. While Washington was at Mount Vernon, the British minister, Mr. Hammond, put into the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury a letter from M. Fauchet to the French government, which had been intercepted at sea, whence it found its way to the British cabinet, and was forwarded to Mr. Hammond. The letter was translated by Mr. Pickering, and shown to the President when he arrived in Philadelphia. Its contents were such, as to excite suspicions of Mr. Randolph's conduct. It appeared that his political relations with the French minister had been more intimate and con

fidential, than was compatible with the office he held in the administration. At all events, it seemed a fair inference from the language of the letter, that M. Fauchet valued his services as having been useful to the French interests, and calculated on them for the future.

In the presence of the other members of the cabinet, the President handed this letter to Mr. Randolph and asked an explanation. He had not before heard of it; and, although he read it without emotion, he expressed much displeasure at the President's manner of bringing it to his notice, and complained that he did not first converse with him on the subject privately. He said that he wished more leisure to examine the letter, before making any detailed remarks on its contents, but added, that, considering the treatment he had received, he could not think of remaining in his office a moment longer. Accordingly he sent in his resignation the same day.

Mr. Randolph published a pamphlet vindicating his conduct, and explaining such parts of the intercepted letter as related to him. From M. Fauchet, who was then on the point of leaving the country, he also obtained a certificate, in which that minister declared, that in his letter he had no intention to say any thing to the disadvantage of Mr. Randolph's character. The statements presented by Mr. Randolph, in proof of his innocence, were not such as to produce entire conviction; but the nature of his task rendered it difficult, if not impossible, for him to adduce positive evidence. He moreover allowed himself to be betrayed into a warmth of temper, and bitterness of feeling, not altogether favorable to his candor. After all that has been made known, the particulars of his conversations with Fauchet, and his designs, are still matters of conjecture.

One fact connected with this affair should be men

tioned, as being highly creditable to Washington. In preparing his vindication, Mr. Randolph applied for a certain letter, and intimated that papers were withheld. Washington said, in reply; "That you may have no cause to complain of the withholding of any paper, however private and confidential, which you shall think necessary in a case of so serious a nature, I have directed that you should have the inspection of my letter agreeably to your request, and you are at full liberty to publish without reserve any and every private and confidential letter I ever wrote to you; nay, more, every word I ever uttered to you, or in your hearing, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication." When it is remembered, that Mr. Randolph had been in the cabinet from the beginning of the administration, the liberty here given affords a striking proof of the consciousness felt by Washington of the perfect rectitude of his own proceedings.

Mr. Pickering was transferred from the war department to the office of Secretary of State, and James McHenry of Maryland was appointed Secretary of War. Mr. Bradford, the Attorney-general, had recently died. He was succeeded by Charles Lee of Virginia.

The foreign relations of the United States had begun to put on a more favorable aspect. Treaties were negotiated with Spain and Algiers, by which the prisoners who had been in bondage for many years under the latter power, were released, and the difficulties with the former, respecting boundaries and the navigation of the Mississippi, were amicably adjusted. The victory of General Wayne had also smoothed the way to a treaty with the Indians. On this state of affairs the President congratulated both houses of Congress, when he met them at the opening of the session.

But the British treaty was destined to be a cause of

still further agitation. Great exertions had been made. throughout the country to obtain signatures to petitions against it, which were to be presented to the House of Representatives. And, when the treaty was submitted to Congress, as having been ratified by his Britannic Majesty, the members opposed to it indicated a determined purpose to defeat its operation by refusing to pass the laws necessary for carrying it into effect. The warfare was commenced by a resolution, to which a large majority assented, requesting the President to lay before the House the instructions to Mr. Jay, and the correspondence and other documents relating to the negotiation.

This request imposed a delicate task on the President. In his opinion, the power to form treaties rested wholly with the chief magistrate and the Senate, and he believed that the House of Representatives had no right to make a demand, which would imply an encroachment on this power, nor in any manner to interfere with the negotiation of treaties. Yet, in the present excited state of public feeling, a refusal of the request would expose him to the charge of showing disrespect to the representatives of the people, raise suspicions of his motives, and probably furnish a pretext for insinuations, that he had personal reasons for concealment.

From the line of duty, however, he was never known to deviate; and in this case it was too plain to be mistaken. In his answer to the communication from the house, he refused a compliance with the request, and gave his reasons. He said it was clear to his mind, that the power of making treaties was vested by the Constitution exclusively in the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate; that, having been a member of the convention, he knew this was the understanding of the framers of the Constitution; that the

subject was fully discussed; that there were reasons for believing the state conventions understood it in the same way; that this construction had hitherto been acquiesced in by the House of Representatives; and that a just regard to the Constitution, and to the duty of his office, required him to resist the principle contended for by the house. If allowed to be put in practice, it would destroy the confidence of foreign powers in the executive, derange the government, and lead to the most mischievous consequences, when it would be too late to apply a remedy.

The members, who voted for the resolution, were not prepared for this refusal; nor did they conceal their disappointment and dissatisfaction. The message gave rise to a debate, which continued for many days, and in which the merits of the treaty, and the constitutional powers of the several departments of the government, were elaborately discussed. Passion, party

zeal, eloquence, and argument were all brought to bear on the subject; and the speeches show, that both sides of the question were maintained with unusual ability and force of reasoning. In the end, a majority of the members who were opposed to the treaty yielded to the exigency of the case, and, probably more from expediency than conviction, united in passing the laws necessary for its fulfilment.

Among the events, which contributed to harass the mind and weigh upon the spirits of Washington, none affected him more keenly than the captivity of Lafayette. Gratitude for the services rendered by Lafayette to the United States in times of distress and peril, a respect for his character, founded on a long and intimate acquaintance, and a knowledge of his pure and disinterested principles, had created an ardent attachment, of which many proofs have been exhibited in this narrative, and