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and to back their opinions, as necessity seemed to
require. The king was apparently at extremity:
Archbishop Tennison and Bishop Burnet conti-
nued in their duty about him from Saturday morn-
ing to his last gasp." None hoped to gain more
from the king's death than the Marlboroughs,
who had, no doubt, intelligencers of their own in
the ante-chamber. Burnet, one of the two pre-
lates present, has left his own account of "the
last scene of all." The bishop says:-The king's
strength and pulse were still sinking as the diffi-
culty of breathing increased, so that no hope was
left. The Archbishop of Canterbury and I went
to him on Saturday morning, and did not stir
from him till he died. The archbishop prayed
on Saturday some time with him, but he was then
so weak, that he could scarce speak, but gave him
his hand, as a sign that he firmly believed the
truth of the Christian religion, and said he in-
tended to receive the sacrament. His reason and
all his senses were entire to the last minute.
About five in the morning he desired the sacra-
ment, and went through the office with great
appearance of seriousness, but could not express
himself: when this was done, he called for the
Earl of Albemarle, and gave him a charge to take
care of his papers. He thanked M. Auverquerque
(or Overkirk) for his long and faithful services.
He took leave of the Duke of Ormond, and called
for the Earl of Portland; but before he came his
voice quite failed: so he took him by the hand,
and carried it to his heart with great tenderness.
He was often looking up to heaven, in many short
ejaculations. Between seven and eight o'clock
the rattle began; the commendatory prayer was
said for him, and, as it ended, he died (on Sunday,
the 8th of March), in the fifty-second year of his
age, having reigned thirteen years and a few days,

majesty, being at present hindered, by an unhappy | also extraordinarily assembled, to receive the reaccident, from coming in person to his parliament, ports of the king's physicians from time to time, is pleased to signify to the House of Commons by message, what he designed to have spoken to both houses from the throne. His majesty, in the first year of his reign, did acquaint the parliament that commissioners were authorized in Scotland to treat with such commissioners as should be appointed in England, of proper terms for uniting the two kingdoms, and at the same time expressed his great desire of such an union; his majesty is fully satisfied that nothing can more contribute to the present and future security and happiness of England and Scotland, than a firm and entire union between them; and he cannot but hope, that, upon a due consideration of our present circumstances, there will be found a general disposition to this union. His majesty would esteem it a peculiar felicity if, during his reign, some happy expedient for making both kingdoms one might take place; and is, therefore, extremely desirous that a treaty for that purpose might be set on foot; and does, in the most earnest manner, recommend this affair to the consideration of the house." A similar message was at the same time sent to the upper house. This was William's last public act, and no scheme or intention could well be wiser or greater. On the next day his majesty was visited with some alarming symptoms, and a commission was issued to certain peers to give the royal assent to such bills as were ready; among which was the bill of attainder against the Prince of Wales. On the 3d of March he was seized with fever and ague; and on the 7th, as if a demise of the crown would endanger every measure depending in parliament, the lords were pressed to dispatch the abjuration bill and the malt-tax bill, which were still before them. Another commission was issued to give the royal assent to these bills; and William being no longer able to use his hand, the sign-manual was affixed to the commission by means of a stamp. On the same day his favourite Keppel, Lord Albemarle, arrived from Holland with very good news; but the king said, "Je tire vers ma fin." "By this time," says Ralph, "the court was become such a scene, as in the most lively manner showed the vanity of those possessions which men with the utmost anxiety aspire to: the ante-chamber swarmed with physicians, courtiers, and statesmen, all in such masks as suited best with the several parts they were to act: the council was

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Perfection is not to be expected in a sovereign until the dreams of the Fifth Monarchy Men, or the theories of Utopian philosophers, have been converted into sober realities. Both as a sovereign and as a man William had faults, and weaknesses, and unamiable qualities, although these have all been grossly exaggerated by zealots of various and most opposite parties; the high hurchmen detesting him on account of his indifference to the forms of church government, and both high and low on account of his toleration; the Jacobites heaping obloquy upon his name, because he practically upset the theory of the Divine right of kings; the Tories because he naturally preferred the Whigs, who had most contributed to his promotion; and the republicans, then and in all subsequent times, because he did not try again the experiment which had been tried, and which had signally failed because he was not his own opposite, a

De Witt, and a republican-a sort of character which, rightly or wrongly, was then reprobated by the vast mass of the nation, and which could no more have achieved the Revolution of 1689 than it could have changed and reformed the dynasty of the Celestial Empire. But William III. was the first of our rulers that really solved the problem of constitutional monarchy; and since his solution of that problem the duties of our princes have been easy, systematic, and natural. Before his time all was riddle and uncertainty, and the constitution was not understood, because it had never properly been put into practice. If now and then he stumbled, it should be remembered that what to after sovereigns has been a plain, broad, and beaten path was then an unexplored and dark passage, where nearly every step was an experiment. Our admiration of the ability, and the real genius in state affairs, of this illustrious prince must rise to the highest pitch, if we

look closely into the complicated nature and surpassing difficulties of his situation. A stadtholder in Holland with republican forms-a king in England and Scotland, with constitutions which had never properly been defined-the ruler, in fact, of the Dutch, the English, the Scotch, and the Irish, who had all separate interests, jealousies, and animosities-compelled, by the very constitution which he called into life or efficacy, to trust ministers whom there was no trusting with safety-engaged at the same time in an almost uninterrupted war with the greatest power in Europe, or undermined by the intrigues of that power, which was even more formidable in diplomacy than in arms-and all this with a frail state of body! We confess that, all these circumstances considered, we are lost in wonder as to the result, and disposed to give William III. by far the foremost place of all the sovereigns that have ever worn the English crown.

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sequently by Messrs. Carden, of London, and used by them as a collier. Throughout her entire history she maintained the character of a lucky ship and fast sailer. A prophecy likewise was attached to her that the Papists would never get the upper hand while the Betsy Cains remained afloat. About 1825 she was purchased by Mr. G. F. Wilson, of South Shields, and continued to be employed in the merchant service till 17th February, 1827, when she was wrecked and went to pieces on the rocks near Tynemouth. The Betsy Cains was built of oak, and profusely carved. She was 80 feet 3 inches in length by 23 feet in breadth, carvel-built, two decked, had two masts, aad

1 This vessel, at the time of her destruction the oldest afloat, was built on the Thames about the commencement of the seventeenth century, and being subsequently purchased by the Prince of Orange, was named by him the Princess Mary in honour of his consort. In her he made his memorable voyage to England in 1688, when he landed at Torbay, and afterwards ascended the English throne under the title of William III. During his reign and that of his successor Queen Anne, this vessel was employed as one of the royal yachts; but in the reign of George I. she was laid aside, and afterwards sold to Messrs. Walters, of London, who named her the Betsy Cains, and em ployed her in the West India trade. She was purchased sub- was square-rigged.

VOL. III.

217

CHAPTER VII.-CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY.-A.D. 1702-1704.

ANNE. ACCESSION, A.D. 1702-DEATH, A.D. 1714.

Succession of Anne to the throne-Marlborough's ascendency-He is appointed commander-in-chief of the armyThe queen's aversion to the Whigs-Changes in the officers of state-War proclaimed against France-Marl· borough appointed to command the allied army-Difficulties of his command-His military proceedingsProsperous close of the campaign-Naval expedition to Cadiz-Predominance of the Tories in parliamentTheir attempt to destroy the test act by the "Occasional Conformity Bill"-Marlborough raised to the rank of duke-An increase of revenue obtained for Anne's husband-Inculpations of the Whig party by the ToriesA clerical convocation-State of France-Revolt of the Protestants of the Cevennes-They are encouraged by England-Successes of the French on the Rhine-Defeats of the Austrians-Marlborough resumes his military operations-He captures Boun-His plans deranged by the allies-The Archduke Charles proclaimed King of Spain-The occasional conformity bill again introduced into parliament-It is negatived by the lordsConspiracy in Scotland called "Fraser's Plot"-Account of Fraser of Lovat and his traitorous proceedingsThe Fraser plot examined-Provision made by the queen for the poor clergy-Harley succeeds the Earl of Nottingham as minister of state-Other changes in the ministry-Order of the Thistle revived in ScotlandFurther proceedings of Fraser of Lovat-Military operations of Marlborough on the Continent-His plan to carry the war beyond the Rhine-Stages of his expedition-His able inanœuvres-Preliminaries of the battle of Donauworth-Marlborough's victory at Donauworth.

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ING WILLIAM died, and the Princess of Denmark took his place. Anne was in the thirtyeighth year of her age, but as much under the tutelage of Lord and Lady Marlborough as if she had been a girl of fifteen, or of still tenderer years. Her proclamation took place amidst acclamations, though some credulous people grieved to see her step into a revolutionary and usurped throne; having fondly expected, against all reason or knowledge of the hearts of princes, that she would demur, and resign her seat to her half-brother, the helpless pensioner of France. As the parliament continued sitting, notwithstanding the demise, and by virtue of an act properly passed in William's reign, Anne, three days after her accession, went down to the House of Lords, and there declared her resolution to prosecute the measures concerted by the late king, "the great support, not only of these kingdoms, but of all Europe." Even so much might have been expected from the Marlborough ascendency. The Tories, together with what was called the landed interest, had agreed to leave the conduct of the war to the Earl of Marlborough, who, by means of his lady, was like to have the supreme direction of all things. The city of London, and all the counties, cities, and second-rate towns, sent up addresses. "In these," says Burnet, "a very great diversity of style was observed; some mentioned the late king in terms full of respect and gratitude, others named him very coldly, some took no notice of him nor of his death, and simply congratulated her coming to the crown, and some insinuated re

flections on his memory, as if the queen had been ill-used by him. The queen received all civilly— to most she said nothing; to others she expressed herself in general words, and some things were given out in her name which she disowned."

The two secretaries of state for Scotland, with such of the privy counsellors of that nation as were in London, waited upon her with professions of loyalty and devotion. Commotions had been expected north of the Tweed, but the Jacobites did nothing beyond talking; and the country continued to obey the privy council, and the authorities established by William, who were all, for the present, left in their places. In Ireland, the Papists were too much impoverished and reduced to excite any apprehensions. The Earl of Marlborough had now attained the great object of his ambition. Three days after Anne's accession he was decorated with the order of the Garter; on the morrow he was named captaingeneral of the English forces at home and abroad, and soon afterwards he was appointed master of the ordnance. The queen's husband, Prince George of Denmark, who was still considered as a subject, and who continued to occupy his seat in the House of Peers as Duke of Cumberland, was named generalissimo and lord high-admiral; but, as he had neither the ability nor the wish to take a very active part in affairs, and as he had always been as absolutely under the control of the favourites as his wife, Marlborough had, in effect, the entire command of the army. His countess, to whom his own elevation was owing, was made groom of the stole and mistress of the robes, and intrusted with the management of the privy purse. Marlborough was ready to be either

Whig or Tory. Anne had a great aversion to the Whigs, and a proportionate love of the Tories; or, in the words of Lady Marlborough, "The queen had, from her infancy, imbibed the most unconquerable prejudices against the Whigs. She had been taught to look upon them all, not only as republicans, who hated the very shadow of regal authority, but as implacable enemies to the Church of England. This aversion to the whole party had been confirmed by the illusage she had met with from her sister and King Willian, which, though perhaps more owing to Lord Rochester than to any man then living, was now to be all charged to the account of the Whigs. And Prince George, her husband, who had also been ill-treated in that reign, threw into the scale his resentment. On the other hand, the Tories had the advantage not only of the queen's early prepossessions in their favour, but of their having assisted her in the late reign in the af

not been reckoned in the number of the Tories." Lord Nottingham, one of the Tory chiefs, was appointed secretary of state. Lord Rochester, the queen's hot-headed uncle, was continued Lordlieutenant of Ireland, with express permission to be absent as often as might be thought fit for attending in the English council, where, with his old temper unimproved, he aimed at absolute

QUEEN ANNE.-After Sir G. Kneller.

fair of her settlement. It was, indeed, evident that they had done this more in opposition to King William than from any real respect for the Princess of Denmark. But still they had served her. And, the winter before she came to the crown, they had, in the same spirit of opposition to the king, and in prospect of his death, paid her more than usual civilities and attendance. It is no great wonder, therefore, all these things considered, that, as soon as she was seated on the throne, the Tories (whom she usually called by the name of the church party) became the distinguished objects of the royal favour." Godolphin, who was the same sort of Tory as his friend and family ally, Marlborough, was intrusted with the sole management of the finances, with the title of lord high-treasurer, and he became in reality prime minister and arbiter of all things in the council, as Marlborough was of those in the field. "And I am firmly persuaded," continued the duchess, "that, notwithstanding her majesty's extraordinary affection for me, and the entire devotion which my Lord Marlborough and my Lord Godolphin had for many years showed to her service, they would not have had so great a share of her favour and confidence if they had

authority, and browbeat

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all his brother counsellors and ministers. The Duke of Somerset was dismissed from the office of lord-president, to Inake room for the Earl of Pembroke, who had the merit of not being a Whig, though he had. no pretension to that of being a Tory. The Earl of Bradford, a friend or dependant of Rochester, was made treasurer of the household; the comptroller's staff was transferred from Lord Wharton, a zealous Whig, to Sir Edward Seymour; the Marquis of Normanby got the privy seal; but the Earl of Jersey retained his post as chamberlain. Most of the subordinate posts were also filled up by Tories. The only Whigs left in the occupation of commanding posts were the Duke of Devonshire, lord high-steward, and Mr. Boyle, chancellor of the exchequer. The names of the great Whig leaders, Somers, Halifax, and Orford, were erased from the list of the persons directed to be summoned to attend the meetings of the privy council. The queen's husband, Prince George, appointed a council to act with him, or for him, into which he admitted none but Tories; Sir George Rooke, distinguished by his aversion to everything that bore the name of Whig, became Vice-admiral of England, and president of the commission for managing the fleet, &c.; and another member of the lord high-admiral's council was Marlborough's brother, George Churchill, who was not merely a Tory, but a downright Jacobite. Rochester, who was disappointed at not being placed at the head of the treasury, and who could tolerate no difference of opinion, soon began to quarrel with Godolphin, and numerous materials contributed to envenom the dispute. The head of the high-church party would have got up a new persecution of dissenters, and would have driven every man that was not a declared

that he would not go into Ireland though she should give the country to him and his son. His resignation of the lieutenancy followed, and he was so angry that he would neither go to court nor to council.

Tory out of the commission of the peace; Go- | of that kingdom, which greatly needed his predolphin, on the other hand, was bent upon pur- sence." Rochester told her with great insolence, suing a mild and conciliatory course, and he, or his friends, represented Rochester as a fire-brand: Rochester, moreover, was against the war. The two Whig Dukes of Devonshire and Somerset voted with Godolphin, and the majority of the council decided upon a declaration of war against France. Anne had despatched a letter to the states-general, announcing her intention to maintain the alliances concluded by the late King William; and now she deputed Marlborough to Holland as ambassador extraordinary. The lordgeneral reached the Hague on the 28th of March, and was received with transports of joy. It was presently arranged with the heads of the republic, and the envoy of the emperor, that war should be declared on the same day at London, the Hague, and Vienna, and that Marlborough should have the chief command of the allied armies-a post coveted by the new King of Prussia, by the Elector of Hanover, by the Duke of Zell, and by the Archduke Charles of Austria. On his speedy return to London, it was made apparent that either Rochester must withdraw, or the cabinet be distracted by incessant jars. "The gibberish of that party," says her Grace of Marlborough, "about non-resistance, and passive obedience, and hereditary right, I could not think to forbode

SIDNEY, EARL OF GODOLPHIN.-After Sir G. Kneller.

any good to my mistress, whose title rested upon a different foundation." The head of the highchurch party retired to the country in disgust, being the first of the Tory leaders "that discovered a deep discontent with the queen and her administration." Towards the end of the year, her majesty was "so unreasonable as to press him to go to Ireland, to attend the affairs

The queen had declared her resolution to defend and maintain the church as by law established; but this was not enough for the zealots, who wanted the power of persecuting and the exclusive occupancy of all places, civil and military, as well as ecclesiastic. All this brewed a storm, which soon afterwards burst forth. In the meantime, however, the commons voted her majesty for life £700,000 a-year, of which she chose to assign £100,000 to the public service. The war had been proclaimed on the 4th of May, and the requisite measures adopted for prosecuting it with vigour; the oath abjuring the Prince of Wales had been taken by the members of both houses, and the name of the Princess Sophia, Electress of Hanover, introduced in the public prayers as next in succession to the throne; and Marlborough, on the 12th of May, had departed for Holland, on the frontiers of which country military operations had already commenced. The negotiations, which had been going on in Germany among the minor states, had induced the house of Brunswick to send 10,000 men to join Marlborough, had won over the Elector of Brandenburg, now King of Prussia, had compelled the Princes of Saxe-Gotha and Wolfenbüttel to renounce their connection with the King of France, had engaged the elector-palatine in the grand alliance, and had compelled the Duke of Bavaria, the Elector of Cologne, and other little potentates who had been devoted to France, to remain neutral in the great struggle. The principal army of the allies, under the temporary command of the Earl of Athlone (Ginckel), was assembled in the vicinity of Cleves, to cover that part of the frontier which lies between the Rhine and the Meuse. The first blow was struck while Marlborough was employed in settling a plan of the campaign with the Dutch, and the ministers of the allies, by his royal highness the Duke of Burgundy, who, being joined by Marshal Tallard, made a sudden move upon Nimeguen, which was without a garrison, and almost without artillery; but the burghers were active and brave, and Athlone, by a brilliant march, got to their assistance, and saved the place. Different plans of operation were proposed by the various members of the grand alliance, and Marlborough began to experience the extreme difficulty of giving a unity of plan and purpose to a heterogeneous coalition. And perhaps at that moment he repented of his old criticisms upon

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