endure in their flight the practical experiments ments to authority, and encouragements to those of some low-born De Sades, ready, with hellish, who defied it. Their respect for the executive glee, to prove and test the fact laid down in one power was nothing but a formula of style; and of the most-read books in France, that the indul- when the king's ministers manifested their weakgence of cruelty heightens the relish of lust.' ness and fears, and revealed the state of nothingThese deeds were perpetrated at a time when ness to which they were reduced, the members there was no resistance, when the nobles were con- of the assembly, who remembered too well the senting to everything, when a considerable part time when they themselves had feared, were not of them had devoted themselves to the popular sorry to see that Fear had changed her lodgings cause, and when they had all renounced their If, thought they, you ministers were strong enough privileges, and intimated, however tardily, their to make the people respect you, you would be readiness to submit to a new order of things. strong enough to make us fear you. This was Except in the provinces, which became the seat the predominant sentiment of opposition. It was of a protracted and most savage civil war, the a reaction of fear."? nobles and gentlemen who did not flee their country, and who escaped the first slaughters, remained like sheep in a butcher's pen, and with the butcher's knife never far from their throats. In these ebullitions the people were as furious against the clergy as against the lay nobility, and they burned and destroyed as many churches as châteaux, mingling in these exercises every possible sport and device to show their utter contempt, not merely for the ministers of religion, but for religion itself-not only for the doctrines and the mysteries of the Roman form of Christianity, but for every part and parcel of the Christian creed, and of all other creeds whatso

ever.

Nothing is more certain than that the national assembly alternately winked at and encouraged the châteaux-burning, the destruction of titledeeds, and the rest. "The assembly," says an attentive and competent observer of all their proceedings, "were so afraid of offending the people, that they almost regarded as a snare every motion tending to repress the disorders or blame the excesses of the populace. It was still doubt mixed with fear that lay at the bottom of men's hearts. They had triumphed by means of the people, and could not be severe against the people; on the contrary, although the assembly often declared in their preambles that they were profoundly afflicted, and even incensed, at the violences committed by the bandits and brigands that were burning the châteaux and insulting the noblesse, they enjoyed in secret a terror which they believed necessary." [In short, they acted and felt much as Robespierre and his followers did, afterwards, during the more tragical "Reign of Terror."] "They had put themselves under the necessity either of fearing the noblesse or making the noblesse fear them. They condemned for decency, but they managed and conciliated the mob for policy: they gave compli

This atrocious theory forms the sum and substance, the morale of the popular novel (it is still popular in France !), Justine, ou Les Malheurs de la Vertu, written by the notorious Marquis de Sades.

In this stage of things, when the king saw safety or protection for his wife and family, ar when the members of the national assembly themselves were not without their fears that they might be butchered by the mob for not doing the work of revolution fast enough, a regiment of infantry-the inauspicious regiment of Flanders -was brought to Versailles on the 23d of September, with the consent and concurrence of the assembly. The garde du corps or body-guari doing duty in the palace gave a grand dinner to welcome the arrival of the regiment. This was common, or at least not unusual; but what w considered a very alarming innovation was th permission was granted by the court to hold the military banquet within the palace, in the Grand Salle de Spectacle, or theatre. The feast was given on the 1st of October; and, besides the officers of the regiment of Flanders, the officers of the Swiss guards, of the Cent Suisse, and many of the officers of the Versailles national guar), were invited to it. The band, instead of Ç'a I*, or other new liberty tune, struck up some old loyal air. This alone was considered as a very heinous sin by some of the spectators in the boxes. It seems, however, to be admitted by the severest of these censors that the officers behaved themselves with sufficient decency during the first course, or down to the moment at which the champagne corks were cut loose; but when this brisk wine had circulated a little, all decency, all respect to liberty and patriotism were, it is said, audaciously thrown off. The bands of the gardes du corps and regiment of Flanders were ordered to play, and they played with great expression the air

"O Richard! O mon roi!
L'univers t'abandonne."

This appeal to the feelings was too much for th sensibility and enthusiasm of the royalists; at

2 Dumont.

3 "O Richard! O my king! all the world is forsaking the The words of this opera song were supposed to be sang by Bha del, the faithful minstrel, on discovering our Richard Cr Lion a prisoner in the emperor's dungeons. In many reps they were applicable to the case of Louis XVI

of brigands and assassins, who were guilty of all that was done amiss. It was pleasant to have a drain of this kind into which all the filth of the revolution could be poured; and in this manner they now endeavoured to represent that, if the march of half Paris upon Versailles had not been ordered by the Duke of Orleans,' at least every

atrocious deed committed there had been committed by his agents. These opinions were the more easily propagated, as several silly underlings of the court had chosen the duke as their bugbear, and were intimately persuaded that his spite, malice, money, and ambition had excited twenty millions of people.

CHAPTER XXV.-CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY.-A.D. 1789-1790

GEORGE III.

The notice of England attracted by the French revolution-English sympathy with its commencement-Propheti: misgivings of Burke for its result-The French revolution applauded by the dissenters of England—Annual meeting of the "Revolution Society" in London-Its congratulatory address to the French national assembly -Revolutionary symptoms in England-Meeting of parliament-Commendations of Fox on the proceedings of the French revolution-He is answered by Burke-Burke's debate with Fox and Sheridan on the revolution -Schism produced in the Whig party by the debate-Sentiments of George III. and Pitt on the French reve lution-The dissenters again claim exemption from the test and corporation acts-Their claim brought by Fox into parliament-The motion negatived-Motion for the amendment of parliamentary representationIt is withdrawn-Affair of Nootka Sound-Its satisfactory adjustment-Wilberforce's labours for the abolition of negro slavery-Parliament appoints a special committee for the examination of witnesses-Death of the Emperor Joseph of Austria-His death accelerated by the revolt of the Netherlands-His successor Leopold establishes a peace with Turkey-Proceedings of the revolt of the Netherlands-The bigoted character of their new form of government-Sympathy in Belgium with the French revolution-Strifes and dissensions among the different parties in the state-The Emperor Leopold makes conciliatory advances-His offers advocated by a strong party in Belgium-Anarchy of the Belgic provinces-Continuation of the war of Russia against Turkey and Sweden-The King of Sweden takes the part of his people against the aristocracyVictories of the Swedes over the Russians-Defeat of the Russians by the Swedes at sea-Sweden unsupported in the war by the other powers-Peace concluded between Sweden and Russia-Suvaroff invests Ismail – His rapid mode of siege-He takes Ismail by storm-Massacre of the inhabitants by the Russians.

NGLAND had not been an inat-pensable. It was, indeed, the deplorable conditentive observer of this great revo- tion of that kingdom, the poverty and oppression lution among her nearest conti- of the people, the abuses of lettres de cachet and nental neighbours. From the first other means of despotism, the insurmountable dawn of the event, through the barriers placed between the commonalty and quarrels with the parlements and promotion, fortune, and fame, the checks put the assembling of the notables, down to the con- upon industry, the neglected state of agriculture vocation of the states-general, all classes of Eng- under the old régime, that made every Englishlishmen had eagerly watched events; and from man desirous that a sweeping change should take the moment the states met at Versailles-now place. Matters were bad enough in reality, but, only eight months ago, for all these momentous in many particulars, they had been represented changes had been effected in that brief space of by recent French books, and in the reports of a time-the affairs of France had occupied atten- few somewhat enthusiastic travellers, as being tion to the almost total exclusion of other public far worse than they were: they seemed so bad political matters. All parties at first agreed in that any change must be for the better. Attribelieving, or at least in hoping, that the states, buting to one great single cause that superior being properly modelled, would by degrees effect order and prosperity which reigned in England. the most important reforms, and none doubted and which were produced by slow degrees through that an extensive system of reform was indis- the concurrence and co-operation of numerous ad sailles. If private instigators (and the most rigorous researe have left that fact doubtful) contributed to produce the ** ment, they changed neither the direction nor the object of it. T event had for its result the destruction of the ancient régime f the court; it deprived the court of their guards; it transpord them from the royal residence of Versailles into the casts of the revolution, and placed them under the surveillance of the people -Histoire de la Révolution Française.

1 Thiers equivocates and mystifies the whole story; but Mignet speaks out frankly, and in his natural republican tone. "The insurrection of the 5th and 6th of October," says he, "was a true popular movement. We ought not to seek for secret motives, nor attribute it to concealed schemes of ambition; it was provoked by the imprudence of the court. The dinner of the gardes du corps, the reports of the king's flight, the dread of civil war, and the scarcity of provisions, were what carried Paris to Ver

cidents or circumstances, and innumerable causes, | themselves, and a perfect nuisance to everymoral and physical, men fancied that, if a con- body else."1 stitutional form of government could only be established in France, everything would be done. There were, perhaps, some that were jealously and unpleasantly excited by apprehensions that France, the old enemy of England, by availing herself of the advantages of a free constitution, might become a much more powerful, and consequently a more dangerous neighbour than ever; but we believe that this jealousy and fear was limited to a very few, and that, without speaking of the enthusiasts for the new French liberty, who formed, if not a very numerous, a very loud party, there was, at first, a general burst of sympathy and generous feeling-an ardent wish that the revolution might succeed, and speedily terminate in the establishment of free institutions.

Individuals the most opposite in habit and thought were united in this feeling; and, if the agreement did not last long, it was solely owing to the excesses of the revolutionists. Even the melancholy and devout recluse, Cowper-"fast by the banks of the slow-winding Ouse"-roused himself in his sickness and sadness, and poured forth, in a few energetic verses, his congratulations on the destruction of the Bastille. All the most cultivated and most generous spirits of the country looked to the meteor that had risen with joy and hope; and, alas, but too many of them fondly clung to their hope when it was truly a desperate one. In the first phases the great antagonists, Fox and Pitt, united in a tribute of admiration. Of the great public men of the day, Burke was perhaps the first to catch a real glimpse of the one great cause which would disgrace the progress of the revolution, and render the acquisition of liberty doubtful at the last. He had read well the old history of France, and he remembered the old national admixture of impatience and ferocity. About three weeks after the storming of the Bastille he wrote to a friend in Ireland-"The spirit it is impossible not to admire; but the old Parisian ferocity has broken out in a shocking manner. It is true that this may be no more than a sudden explosion; if so, no indication can be taken from it; but if it should be character, rather than accident, then that people are not fit for liberty, and must have a strong hand, like that of their former masters to coerce them. Men must have a ertain fund of natural moderation to qualify them for freedom, else it becomes noxious to

1 Letter to Lord Charlemont, as given by Prior, Life of Burke. At this time the French had scarcely begun making their contitution, and the confusion of the three orders into one chamer might be considered as merely temporary. But Burke vidently doubted, from such a beginning, whether any toler

The misgivings of Burke gradually converted themselves into a sad certainty, into the fixed and rational conviction that nothing that was good or free would come out of the horrible turmoil. He saw clearly that the same delight in murder and the same savage cruelty would be again renewed. Whether the deeds which had been perpetrated since the capture of the Bastille proceeded from a settled design of the regenerators and revolution chiefs in the assembly, or from the fierce instinct and will of the people, the case was equally desperate. By this time the assembly had made such progress in their work as to enable a statesman to judge of what would be the merits of their constitution. "In all appearance," adds Burke," the new system is a most bungling and unworkmanlike performance. I confess I see no principle of coherence, co-operation, or just subordination of parts in this whole project, nor any the least aptitude to the conditions and wants of the state to which it is applied, nor anything well imagined for the formation, provision, or direction of a common force. . . I cannot think with you that the assembly have done much. They have indeed undone a great deal; and so completely broken up their country as a state, that I assure you, there are few here such Antigallicans as not to feel some pity on the deplorable view of the wreck of France." Such were the feelings and opinions of one who was not free from human error of one who, even on this great question, allowed his feelings to overcome him, and his passions to carry him to extremes-but who was assuredly, as a whole, the wisest man and the greatest political philosopher of that generation, and whose thorough honesty and sincerity on this great vital point were indisputable. But the keen insight into the French character which Burke possessed was not common to all his party, or even to all his close personal as well as political friends; and the rapid progress and self-evident tendency of events which had convinced him had carried no conviction to the hearts of various kinds of enthusiasts, who continued to hope that, after the first ebullition, the French people would return to their senses. Some there were so extravagant in their own discontents and animosity to despotisms, or to all established governments, as to declare that little or nothing had been done amiss. But a notion that was entertained by more persons was, that the excesses committed were indeed very lamentable,

able system would be adopted. "To form a solid constitu-
tion requires wisdom as well as spirit; and whether the French
have wise heads among them, or if they possess such, whether
they have authority equal to their wisdom, is yet to be seen."—
Life of Burke.
2 Letter to M. de Menonville.

but wholly attributable to the old tyranny, which the revolution, but that were anxious to imitate had brutalized the people, and were not at all it. Other societies met in London and in some likely to last. A very considerable part of the of the provincial towns; and some permanent dissenters, who had to complain of sundry restric- clubs were formed, that were supposed to bear a tions and invidious distinctions not yet removed too close resemblance to the Breton, now the by the legislature, and a body considerable in Jacobin Club. It was well known that French numbers and in the fame and abilities of their propagandists were pursuing their missions with leaders, who were calling for a parliamentary re- rare zeal in half the countries of Europe; and form, for the correction of sundry abuses and that no inconsiderable number of them were, and anomalies, who were over-impatient, and disposed had been for some time in England. Mr. Pitt to extend the democratic principle somewhat and his government honoured these revolutionary further than seemed compatible, in the eyes of missionaries with more attention than they de the vast majority of Englishmen, with the char- served; but we believe it would be difficult to acter of the constitution, were the most active find that one proselyte was ever made in England applauders of the French movement, considering by all these secret agents; that many must have: from the very beginning that it would bring about been disgusted with their principles on hearing I more speedily than might otherwise be expected them from their own lips, and with their ow the changes at home which seemed to them so natural vehemence; and that perhaps one of the essential. We must in charity suppose that a readiest ways to disenchant the credulous would great deal of ignorance as to the real state of have been to encourage a large importation of France existed with a great deal of excitement. these Frenchmen. Additional alarm was excited On the 4th of November an ultra-Whig associa- at the tone assumed by a part of the newspaper tion in the metropolis, known by the name of the press, which had become all at once Gallican and "Revolution Society," met to celebrate the me- republican. Some of these papers indeed might mory of William III. and the Revolution of 1689. have been written in Paris, or dictated by Sièyes, It was strange that they should couple together Brissot, or some of those coteries; they overflowed two events so totally different; but, at their meet- with abuse of the old constitution, abuse of the ing, they praised in the same breath the great church, abuse of the aristocracy-abuse of almost English change which had taken place 100 years everything and everybody except the French rebefore, and the changes that were only a few volution and the wonderful men who had made months old, and not yet completed, in France. it. Before the parliament met, Burke, in private, Nay, they seem to have soon lost sight of the bitterly reprehended that popular feeling, or fraeEnglish revolution, to fix their eyes solely on the tion of popular feeling, which could approve, or French one. In the morning Dr. Price, the re- fancy it could applaud the national assembly puted father of Pitt's sinking-fund system, de- and its proceedings; he called it "a gross infatulivered a sermon, or discourse, in a dissenting ation," "a tolerance of crime," " an absurd partichapel in the Old Jewry, on "The Love of our ality to abstract follies and practical wickedness,” Country," in which he panegyrized the event as if it were the millennium itself-the commencement of universal peace, and love, and liberty. The doctor was very old, but age had not cooled his enthusiasm, although it may have dimmed his sight in more ways than one. At the dinner which followed the sermon, Dr. Price moved that the society should offer in a formal address "their congratulations to the national assembly on the event of the late glorious revolution in France." The motion was adopted by acclamation; and Lord Stanhope, the chairman-in whom the hereditary talents of the Stanhopes had taken a twist-undertook to transmit the address to the national assembly. The assembly could not do less than declare Dr. Price to be the apostle of liberty, and Lord Stanhope a finished philanthropist. A great parade was made in receiving and reading the said address; the title of Mi Lord was pronounced with due emphasis; and care was taken to impress the belief that there were great people in England that not only admired

The British parliament assembled

A.D. 1790. on the 21st of January. The king. who now appeared perfectly recovered from his malady, and from the indisposition which had followed it, attended in person. The speech from the throne concluded by affirming the increase of the public revenue, the extension of the commerce and manufactures of the country, and the general prosperity of the people. The estimates for the military establishments were neither greater nor less than those Pitt had proposed the preceding year; but Fox, Sir Grey Cooper, and other members of opposition thought or said that there ought to be a considerable reduction. Pitt and his relation Grenville urged that, though there was no reason at present to apprehend a war, yet the unsettled state of Europe, and the intered situation of several parts of it, made it necessary for us to keep ourselves in such a state as to be able to act with vigour if occasion should require. that it was a preposterous economy to tempt at1 Prior, Lue of Burke,