part of the Scots-opened, as lord-commissioner | am empowered to consent to what may be furfor Queen Anné, the last parliament that ever ther necessary after the union." The Earl of sat at Edinburgh. He read the queen's letter, Seafield, the chancellor, said, "We can never exwhich served instead of her opening speech: it pect a more favourable juncture for completing informed the estates of Scotland that the articles this union than at present, when her majesty of the treaty of union had been agreed upon in has not only recommended it, but declared that London by the joint commissioners appointed she will esteem it the greatest glory of her reign for that purpose, and it recommended the imme- to have it perfected; and when the parliament of diate adoption of that treaty "as the only effec- England have shown their inclination for it by tual way to secure their present and future hap- removing all those obstacles that lay in the way piness." The queen assured them that Scotland of the treaty; and it must also be acknowledged, should have its full share of all the advantages that the lords-commissioners for England did to be derived from this union of the two king- testify their good disposition all along in this doms; and after reading her letter, Queensberry affair: and the great and glorious successes whereinformed them that the treaty which had been with God has blessed her majesty's arms, give happily agreed on was in the lord-register's hands, us the hope of a near and advantageous peace, ready to be laid before them. His grace pro- whereby we will be put in possession, and attain ceeded to declare that the Scottish commissioners to the full enjoyment of all the liberties and pri The Cockpit S. James' Park Gilt Yard King's Gates+ Privy Garden vileges of trade now offered by the treaty." The treaty, as it was drawn up and signed, was then read, and after a loose and short debate, it was ordered to be printed, and copies to be delivered to all the members of parliament. Till this was done everything had gone ou well; but no sooner were the articles printed and put into the hands of the people, than a tremendous storm arose. The elements of this tempest were many, but the popular arguments which most excited the Scots were these:that the treaty was dishonourable to Scotland, as it surrendered her separate sovereignty and constitution, and subjected her to her ancient and implacable enemy-that it destroyed the dignity of a kingdom which had defended her liberty against England with such gallantry for so many hundred years-that it would make slaves of her brave sons, who must now be represented at Westminster by a handful of members, who would never be able to carry a question, or make any weight there, but just for form's sake sit in the English house, and be laughed at-that Scotland would not be like an ancient kingdom, but like a province of England. In a frenzy of indignation the people began to cry out that they were Scotsmen, and would be Scotsmen still-that their commissioners and ministers were traitors and that there should be "no union." They insulted to their faces and threatened all the men in office, and all that expressed opinions favourable to the treaty. THE COCK-PIT, ST. JAMES'S.-From Aggas' Map of London. had been diligent and zealous in watching over the interests and honour of their country, and in concerting just and reasonable terms; and that her majesty had most graciously received and approved of the treaty. He then spoke of that most delicate and difficult of all mattersthe kirk. "The lords commissioners for both kingdoms," said he, "are limiting the matter of church government: for the security of Presbyterian government in this church you have the laws already made for its establishment, the queen's repeated assurances to preserve it, and I 1 The chief scene of the labours of the commissioners was the council chamber in the Cock-pit, St. James's. "On the right hand (of Whitehall gate, says Stow) be divers faire tennis courts, bowling alleyes, and a cocke-pit, all built by King Henry the Eight; and then one other arched gate, with a way over it thwarting the street, fro the king's gardens to the said (St. James's) parke." | According to Defoe, who was on the spot, and a most careful observer of all that was passing, the religious feeling was even stronger than the merely national one. To keep it alive, it was artfully represented by those inimical to the union that the establishment of the kirk would be subjected to the votes of the British or united parliament, where the Scottish members would be few and powerless, and where the English prelates would have a voice against them-that, if these bishops should please to vote Episcopacy into Scotland, they might get a majority, and the thing would be done, the curse would be completed! The most that the kirk could expect would be a precarious and uncertain toleration, for which she must go a-begging to the lawnsleeved legislators of England. And then there came a universal cry that such a union would be a plain breach of the National Covenant and Solemn League, by which the nation had bound themselves by oath to Almighty God to endeavour the pulling down the Episcopal hierarchy, aal to reform to the utmost of their power the Church of England also. "All these things," says Defoe, were not only brought as arguments, but pushed with so much heat, so much want of charity and courtesy, that really it began to break all good neighbourhood; it soured all cieties, and the national quarrel broke into families, who were ever jangling, divided, and opposite one among another." The heat was still further kept up by Mr. Hodges, a political writer, who had formerly been in the pay of the Scottish parliament, and who now produced big book against an incorporate union with England, which he described as a faithless, wicked, treacherous, and abominable nation, that would entail God's judgment upon Scotland by her national sins, and overthrow the Scottish kirk by the predominance of her parliament. From the al of October to the 1st of November, the ferment continued on the increase, and the whole kingdom seemed resolute to risk a war rather than submit to the proposed incorporation with England. The whole of the party, or combination of heterogeneous parties, that opposed the treaty, exerted themselves to the utmost in parliament; several of them taking the oaths to Anne for the first time, in order to be able to vote against the union. But as these gentlemen were visibly in the minority, a cry was raised out of doors that the members of parliament had no right to alter the constitution without the particular and direct consent of their constituents; and that, therefore, the session ought to be adjourned for some time, in order that the members might go down to the country and know the minds of their respective constituencies. But finding that this was not much regarded by the members, and that prece a dents were against them, they resorted to public addresses and harangues at market-crosses; and they easily produced mobs, tumults, insulting of magistrates, flight of gentlemen from their houses, and all kinds of popular disorders. The enemies of the union hoped great things-in the way of riot, insurrection, and downright rebellion—from a public fast and day of prayer; but the day came and passed off quietly, for "the Presbyterian preachers generally, as well those who were against the union as those that were for it, applied themselves only summarily to the substance, namely, that all the determinations of the estates of parliament, with respect to a union with England, might be influenced and directed by Divine wisdom, the glory of God, the good of religion, and particularly of the Church of Scotland." If the preachers had been less calm and circumspect the union would have been baptized in blood. Yet, as it was, not a few lives were threatened by the rabble of Edinburgh and Leith; the Duke of Queensberry was obliged to call out the troops and keep them constantly under arms; and the union, the pledge and assurance of peace, tranquillity, and prosperity, was carried under cover of arms. The first article, namely, whether there should be a union with England in the sense of the present treaty, or not, was carried in the affirmative on the 4th of November, the birth-day of the late King William, and the anniversary of his happy arrival at Torbay. Every article, every clause, was disputed word by word, and every possible objection was started and hotly maintained by the anti-unionists. The Duke of Hamilton, who had protested against the primary article, against the vote that sufficient security was given to the kirk, and against the resolution to go on with the treaty without adjournments or delays, was, at the very moment engaged actively in a correspondence with the court of St. Germain and the Jacobite agents. Of a sudden, however, the heat of his opposition seemed to cool; and few, or none, at that day knew or suspected the reason of his change. "At that critical juncture," says his grandson, "the Duke of Hamilton received a letter from Lord Middleton, secretary of state to the court of St. Germain, wherein, after acquainting him with recent engagements his master (the pretender) had just taken with Queen Anne's ministers, in order to procure a peace with the French king, to whom he stood so much indebted, he proceeds with telling him that he beseeched his grace, in the behalf of his master, to forbear giving any further opposition to the union, as he (the pretender) had extremely at heart to give to his sister this proof of his ready compliance with her wishes; not doubting but ▲ Dejoe. and drawbacks, and be under the same prohibitions, restrictions, and regulations of trade, and liable to the same customs and duties on import and export, as were settled in England at the time of the union. he would one day have it in his power to restore | all parts of the United Kingdom should have to Scotland its ancient weight and independence." the same commercial allowances, encouragements, Middleton recommended Hamilton to keep the business "a profound secret," as he must be sensible that a discovery might materially prejudice their interests both in Scotland and in England. According to his somewhat partial descendant, Hamilton was thunderstruck at this unexpected request, wounded to the quick at not having had some previous notice of the secret negotiations, and reduced by anxiety of mind to the brink of the grave, and to a condition in which he was unable to exert himself.' It is said that the commissioners for the treaty were further assisted at this time by the remittance from England of £20,000, which was distributed so judiciously among the patriots, that the voice of opposition became as soft as that of the turtledove. It appears, also, that most liberal promises were made of places, and honours, and court distinctions, and of remuneration to those who had lost the most in the unhappy Darien scheme. Whatever were the influences exercised, directly or indirectly-we do not pretend to have indicated or alluded to one-half of them-the treaty of union was approved of by a majority of 110; and on the 25th of March in the following year (1707) the last of the parliaments of Scotland rose never to meet again. The chief provisions of the union thus finally effected were:-1. That the two kingdoms should upon the first day of May next ensuing, and for ever after, be united into one kingdom by the name of Great Britain. 2 That the succession to the monarchy of the United Kingdom of Great Britain, after her most sacred majesty, in default of issue of her body, should be and continue in the most excellent Princess Sophia, Electress and Duchess-dowager of Hanover, and the heirs of her body being Protestants. 3. That the United Kingdom of Great Britain should be represented by one and the same parliament, to be styled the Parliament of Great Britain. 4. That all the subjects of the United Kingdom should, from and after the union, have full freedom and intercourse of trade and navigation, to and from any port or place within the United Kingdom, and the dominions and plantations thereunto belonging; and that there should be a communication of all other rights, privileges, and advantages, which did or might belong to the subjects of either kingdom, except where it was otherwise expressly agreed in the articles. 5. That all ships or vessels belonging to the subjects of Scotland, though foreign built, should be deemed and passed as the ships of Great Britain, &c. 6. That 1 Transactions during the Reign of Queen Anne, from the Union The English parliament, which A.D. 1707. had assembled on the 3d of December, was informed by the queen on the 28th of January, that the articles of union had been adopted by act of parliament in Scotland, "with some alterations and additions;" and that the treaty as agreed upon by the commissioners of both kingdoms should be laid before them. The mention of money to be paid to Scotland as an equivalent for the share she was to take in the debts of England, clouded the countenances of many of the English commons; and when the treaty came under discussion other financial reasons were laid hold of, and joined with religious intolerance, and with old but insane jealousies, to obstruct or defeat the great political measure of that age. The commons said that they were absolutely against an incorporating union, because it was like marrying a woman against her consent that this treaty had been carried in Scotland by corruption and bribery, fraud, and open violence; and that the Scottish parliament, by giving up their separate and independent constitution, had basely betrayed their native country. The zealots of the highchurch faction pointed out what they called the irreconcilable contradictions in the union, by which, among other things, the queen was obliged by oath to maintain the Church of England, and bound likewise by oath to maintain and defend the Kirk of Scotland in one and the same united kingdom. They represented that the Church of England looked upon its establishment as jure divino, and the Scots pretended their kirk was jure divino too; that two nations that clashed in so essential a point could scarcely unite; and that, at the least, on such a critical point, involving the religion by law established, the convocation of the English clergy ought to be consulted. The opposition, however, remained a thin minority in either house, and could do nothing but protest. When the bill ratifying the union was passed in the upper house, Nottingham and seven other peers entered another protest, without assigning any reason; and the Duke of Buckingham and five lords protested because, as they stated, they considered that the excellent constitution of England would be endangered by the alterations made by this union, some of which were of such a nature as to show their to the Death of that Princess, by Charles Hamilton, Esquire. inconvenience and danger so obviously, that they Svo, Edinburgh, 1790. thought it proper and decent to avoid entering further into the particulars. On the 4th of March, when Anne gave the royal assent to the bill, she expressed her satisfaction in the warmest terms. She said "I consider this union as a matter of the greatest importance to the wealth, strength, and safety of the whole island, and, at the same time, as a work of so much difficulty and nicety in its own nature, that till now all attempts which have been made towards it, in the course of above a hundred years, have proved ineffectual; and, therefore, I make no doubt but it will be remembered and spoke of hereafter to the honour of those who have been instrumental in bringing it to such a happy conclusion." On the 11th of March both houses waited on her majesty with an address, congratulating her upon the conclusion of "a work that, after so many fruitless endeavours, seemed designed by Providence to add new lustre to the glories of her majesty's reign." CHAPTER IX.-CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY.-A. D. 1707-1709. ANNE. New appointment of ministers-Victories of Charles XII. of Sweden-Interview between him and the Duke of Marlborough-Proceedings in Spain-The English and Spaniards defeated at Almanza-War of the Spanish succession continued-Toulon bombarded -The kingdom of Naples conquered for the emperor-War on the Rhine renewed-Intrigues in behalf of the pretender in Scotland-Opening of the first parliament of Great Britain-Privy council of Scotland abolished-Parliamentary resolutions on the Spanish war-Introduction of Abigail Hill (Mrs. Masham) to the queen-Mrs. Masham becomes the royal favourite-Alarm of the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough-Intrigues of the Tories to win the queen to their cause-Depression of the Whigs-Rebellion of the queen against the Duchess of Marlborough-Harley in danger-He and Mrs. Masham retain the queen's favour-Changes in the cabinet-Rumours of an invasion of the pretender-The habeas corpus act suspended-A French armament with the pretender on board arrives on the Scottish coast-It is dispersed by Admiral Byng-Bloodless suppression of the rebellion-The queen's inclination for the succession of her brother's family-Insurrection attempted in Ireland for the pretender-State of Ireland and the Irish -The design of insurrection abandoned-Marlborough resumes military operations-He is joined by Prince Eugene-They completely defeat the French at Oudenarde-They capture Lisle-Other towns taken-Marlborough's successful campaign-Events of the war in Spain-Port-Mahon and Minorca taken by the BritishNaval successes of Admiral Leake-Capture of a fleet of Spanish galleons by Commodore Wager-Death of Prince George of Denmark-Bickerings between the queen and the Duchess of Marlborough-The peace of Europe influenced by their quarrels-The queen terrified by the Tories about the Hanoverian successionMeeting of a new parliament-The queen's dislike of their congratulations on Marlborough's victories-Assimilation of the treason bill in England and Scotland-Fresh conspiracy in Scotland in favour of the pretenderIts failure The Duke of Marlborough's stay in the Low Countries after the close of the campaign-Miserable condition of France-Louis XIV. applies for peace-He refuses to submit to the conditions-The negotiation continued-The ultimatum of the combined powers-It is rejected by the French king-The war renewedVictory of Marlborough and Eugene at Malplaquet. B OTH Houses of Parliament spoke of securing the old monarchy of Spain to the Austrian king, Charles, as the only condition and ground of a peace with France; and not a word was said of the negotiations which had been carried on with Louis XIV. This session, which lasted from the 3d of December, 1706, to the 24th of April, 1707, was the last sitting of a separate English parliament, the next being the parliament of Great Britain, and including the Scottish members. But during this session, and before its commencement, the cabinet had been partially remodelled, and rendered still more a Whig cabinet. Somewhat against the inclination of Marlborough himself, who disliked or feared his own son-in-law, and sorely against the inclination of the queen, the VOL. III. Earl of Sunderland, the husband of Lady Anne Churchill, was admitted into the government as one of the secretaries of state in lieu of Sir Charles Hedges; and this, in spite of the daring intrigues and skilful manœuvres of Mr. Secretary Harley, who was now the only Tory of any note suffered to retain office. After Hedges was dismissed, a few inore changes were made. Sir James Montague, brother of Lord Halifax, was appointed solicitor-general; and the three Tory commissioners of the board of trade-among whom was Matthew Prior, the poet were removed to make room for three Whigs; Sir George Rooke, and the two or three Tories that still held seats in the privy council, though they seldom appeared, had their names erased; and now Harley was left absolutely alone, apparently without support and without hope. 221 Confident in the support of this Whig cabinet, | Charles and his Austrian generals and ministers Marlborough went over to Flanders, and, having continued to disagree with the English comlooked to the army, hastened to pay his respects manders, and the English to differ and quarrel to the "Protestant succession" in Hanover, whose with the Portuguese. Lord Peterborough, after advent to the throne of Great Britain was made visiting Italy, and fleeing over more than half of surer than ever by the union. At this moment Europe, with great profit to his own geographithe conquering Charles XII. of Sweden was en- cal knowledge, but without any great success as camped at Alt Ranstadt, only a few marches a loan-negotiator, had returned to Spain, the from the Hanoverian court. The extraordinary scene of his short but most brilliant glory, to achievements of the Swedish hero, who, with a serve as a volunteer. But, as he could no longer small army, had defeated the Czar Peter, de- command, he took a pleasure in thwarting those throned Augustus, King of Poland, and set up who did; in uttering witticisms at the expense King Stanislaus in his place, had for some time of the Austrian claimant, and in saying that fixed the attention of Europe. He was now men were great fools to fight for two such blocklaying Saxony, the hereditary dominion of the heads as Charles and Philip. It had been reelective King of Poland he had dethroned, under solved in the preceding winter that the allies contribution; and the emperor himself was stand- should unite all their forces and march again to ing in awe of his arms, and in an utter incapacity Madrid by the way of Aragon; but Charles was of understanding how to treat with so eccentric deterred by the intelligence of the great reina sovereign. Louis XIV. saw more clearly the forcements that had joined or were to join Philip; use that might be made of the Swede, and he and he marched away with some detachments sent to solicit an alliance with him. This design into Catalonia, which seemed really and steadily was penetrated by the allies; and Marlborough attached to his cause, in order to defend that pronow went from Hanover to the camp in Saxony vince against an attack which the French threatto defeat it. The two heroes met on the 28th ened from the side of Roussillon. But Galway of April. On the whole the assurances of and Das Minas were tempted, by the easy prey Charles were satisfactory; and, what was more, of some of the enemy's magazines, to march to the his visitor saw or ascertained, by less direct frontiers of Castile. Then they turned and laid means, that the Swede was thinking more of siege to the town of Villena, in Valencia. BeRussia and of his rival Peter than of anything fore they made a breach they were warned of else, and that he had no design upon that part the approach, by forced marches, of the Duke of of Europe where the allies were engaged. The Swedish courtiers who followed their king were miserably poor. To secure an influence among them, good round English pensions were offered to Count Piper, Charles's chief favourite, to Hermelion and Cierderholm. Marlborough's diplomacy indeed was this year much more remarkable than his military operations. The Duke of Vendome, acting on the defensive, marched and countermarched in the Netherlands: through a variety of causes the allies were never able to attack him; and the campaign closed without a single battle. But blood enough ALMANZA, from the Field of Battle.1-Locker's Spanish Scenery. Galway and Das Minas raised the siege of Villena, and boldly advanced to meet Berwick. They met on the plain of Almanza, on Easter Monday, the 24th of April (N. s.), was shed in other quarters. By a strange and | Berwick. 1 Almanza is a town in Murcia, thirty-seven miles east from Albacete. The obelisk in the foreground of the view was erected to commemorate the Duke of Berwick's victory. The castle on the height is an old Moorish structure. |