POLAN D. general revolt, assuring them of the assistance of the Ottoman Porte, with whom he pretended to have concluded a treaty. This was the beginning of hostilities between the Turks and Russians, which were not terminated but by a vast effusion of blood. Poland was the first scene of this war, and was soon reduced to the most deplorable situation. In the end of 1768 the peasants of the Greek religion in the Polish Ukraine, and province of Kiow, took up arms, and committed the greatest ravages, having, they said, been threatened with death by the confederates unless Against they would turn Roman Catholics. these insurgents the Russians employed their arms, and made great numbers prisoners. The rest took refuge among the Hadamacks; by whom they were soon joined, and in the beginning of 1769 entered the Ukraine in conjunction with them, committing every where the most horrid massacres. Here, however, they were at last defeated by the Polish troops, at the same time that several of the confederacies in Poland were severely chastised. Soon after, the Chan of the Crim Tartars, having been repulsed with loss in an attempt upon New Servia, entered the Polish territories, where he left many frightful marks of his progress. Matters continued much in the same way during the rest of 1769; and in 1770 skirmishes often happened between the Russians and confederates, in which the latter were always worsted. In 1770 a considerable number of the confederates of Bar came to an accommodation with the Russians, who took them under their protection. Agriculture, in the mean time, had been so much neglected that the crop of wheat was very deficient. This encouraged a number of desperadoes to associate under the denomination of confederates, who were guilty of still greater excesses than their predecessors. Thus a great part of the country was at last reduced to a mere desert. In 1771 the confederates sprung up afresh, and were secretly encouraged and supplied with money by France. A great number of French officers also engaged as volunteers in their service. The Austrian and Prussian troops likewise entered the country, on different sides; and the confederates found themselves in a short time entirely surrounded by those who seemed to have nothing else in view than an absolute conquest of the country. Before matters came to this crisis, however, the confederates formed a design of assassinating the king, on account of his supposed attachment to the dissidents. This extraordinary attempt was made on Sunday night September 3d, 1771, by about forty conspirators, under three chiefs, named Kosinski, or Kutsma, Lukaski, and Strawenski; who had been hired and sworn to bring the king, dead or alive, to general Pulaski, a Polish nobleman, and leader of the confederates, who planned the atrocious enterprise. Mr. Coxe, in his travels, gives a particular account of this daring outrage. The royal carriage was fired into about 200 paces from the prince Crartoriski's house, and all the king's attendants put to flight; the king was cut across the head with a sabre, seized by the collar, and dragged along the ground between horses at full gallop, for near 500 paces. The conspi rators afterwards mounted him upon a horse, escape. Neither the virtues nor the popularity of this out assistance were useless. persisted in this resolution. But by menaces of pillaging Warsaw; by bribes, promises, and threats, the members of the diet were at length prevailed on to perform the parricidial act and ratify the dismemberment. Of the dismembered countries, the Russian province is the largest, the Austrian the most populous, and the Prussian the most commercial. The partitioning powers, however, did less injury to the republic by dismembering its fairest provinces, than by perpetuating the principles of anarchy and confusion, and establishing on a permament footing that aristocratic kind of liberty which is the parent of faction, and has proved the final ruin of the republic. Under pretence of amending the constitution, they confirmed all its defects, and took effectual precautions to render this unhappy country incapable of emerging from its deplorable state. That the virtuous and accomplished Stanislaus should have labored to extricate himself and the great body of the people from such unparalleled oppression, and that the more respectable part of the nation should have wished to give themselves and their posterity a better form of government, was very natural and meritorious. The influence of the partitioning powers was indeed exerted to make the king contented with his situation. His revenues, which before did not exceed £100,000, were now increased to three times that sum. The republic likewise agreed to pay his debts, amounting to upwards of £400,000. It bestowed on him also, in hereditary possession, four starosties, or governments of castles, with the districts belonging to them; and reimbursed him the money he had laid out for the state. It was also agreed that the revenues of the republic should be enhanced to 33,000,000 of florins (near £2,000,000 sterling), and the army should consist of 30,000 men. Soon after the conclusion of the peace with Turkey, the empress of Russia also made the king a present of 250,000 rubles, as a compensation for that part of his dominions which fell into her hands. These bribes, however, were not sufficient to blind the eyes of Stanislaus, or to cool the ardor of his patriotism. He labored for posterity, and with such apparent success that on the 3d of May, 1791, a new constitution of the government of Poland was established by the king, together with the confederate states assembled in double number to represent the Polish nation. That this was a perfect constitution, we are far from thinking; but it was probably as perfect as the inveterate prejudices of the nobles would admit of. It deviated as little as possible from the old forms, and was enacted and agreed to with the approbation of all ranks. But a few of the corrupt nobles, perceiving that it would curb their ambition, deprive them of the base means which they had long enjoyed of gratifying their avarice by setting the crown to sale, and render it impossible for them to continue with impunity their oppression of the peasants, protested against it, and withdrew from the confederates. They also preferred their complaints to the empress of Russia, who, ready on all occasions and on the slightest pretence to invade Poland, poured her armies into the republic, and, surrounding the king and the diet with soldiers, compelled them by the most furious and indecent menaces to undo their glorious labor, and to restore the constitution as settled after the partition treaty. Of the progress of the Russians in this work of darkness we cannot find room for a detailed account. On the 18th May, 1792, the Russian ambassador delivered a declaration, which was worthy of such a cause. It was a tissue of falsehood and hypocrisy. It asserted that this wanton invasion, which was against the sense of every Polander, was meant entirely for the good of the republic. It censured the precipitancy with which the new constitution was adopted, and ascribed the ready consent of the diet to the influence of the Warsaw mob. It represented the constitution as a violation of the principles on which the Polish republic was founded-complained of the licentiousness with which the sacred name of the empress was treated in some speeches of the members; and concluded by professing that on these accounts, and in behalf of the emigrant Poles, her imperial majesty had ordered her troops to enter the territories of the republic, &c. The spirit manifested by some of the nobility was new truly honorable. They delivered in their plate to the mint: prince Radzivil engaged to furnish 10,000 stand of arms, and another a train of artillery. The courage of the new and hastily embodied soldiers corresponded with the patriotism of their nobles. Poniatowski, nephew to the king, was appointed commander-in-chief; and, though his force was greatly inferior to that of the enemy, it must be confessed that he made a noble stand. On the 24th of May the enemy's Cossacks were repulsed and pursued by the patroles of the republic. On the 26th, about one o'clock, the piquets discovered a large body approaching the outposts; and a squadron of cavalry, commanded by lieutenant Kwasniewski, supported by lieutenant Golejowski, with two squadrons more, in all about 300, marched out to meet them. They attacked the Cossacks with success, but pursued them with more valor than prudence to the side of a wood, where they found themselves drawn into an ambuscade, and surrounded by 2000 horse. The intrepid Poles bravely fought their way through the Russian lines, and killed upwards of 200 of the enemy; but in this engagement Kwasniewski was wounded and made prisoner. The remainder of the detachment reached their quarters in safety. All the history of man does not furnish a greater instance of perfidy, meanness, and duplicity than that of the conduct of Prussia on this occasion. A treaty of defensive alliance had been solemnly contracted between the republic of Poland and the king of Prussia, by which it was expressly stipulated, 'That, in case of menace or invasion from any foreign power, they shall assist each other with their whole force, if necessary. Instead, however, of assisting Poland, Prussia insultingly recommended her to retrace her steps; in which case she said that she would be ready to attempt an accommodation in her favor. This attempt was never made, and probably never intended; for the empress pursued her measures. On the 10th of June general Judycki, who commanded a detachment of the Polish troops between Mire POLAN D. and Swierzna, was attacked by the Russians; but, after a combat of some hours, he obliged them to retire. On the succeeding day and on the 14th the Russians rallied again to the attack; when, after various fluctuations of success, the Poles under prince Joseph Poniatowski commenced a retreat. During their march their rear was harassed by a body of 4000 Russians, till, arriving at Boruskowee, the wooden bridge unfortunately gave way under the weight of the cavalry. The enemy in the mean time brought their artillery to play upon the rear of the fugitives. The Polish army next directed its course towards Zielime, where meeting, on the 17th, with a reinforcement from Zaslow, it halted to give battle to the enemy. The Russians were upwards of 17,000 strong, with twenty-four pieces of cannon, and the force of the republic much inferior. After a furious contest from 7 A. M. till 5 P. M. the Russians were at length obliged to retreat, and leave the field of battle in possession of the patriots. The Russians were computed to have lost 4000 men in this engagement, and the Poles about 1100. Notwithstanding these exertions the Poles were compelled gradually to retire before their numerous and disciplined enemies. Nieswez, Wilna, Minsk, and several other places of less consequence, fell On a truce into their hands one after another. being proposed to the Russian general, Kochowski, the proposal was haughtily rejected; while the desertion of vice brigadier Rudnicki, and some others who preferred dishonor to personal The prodanger, proclaimed a tottering cause. gress of the armies of Catharine was universally marked with devastation and cruelty; such was the hatred of the people that even as they approached the country all around became a wilderness. Prince Poniatowski continued to retreat, and on the 17th of July his rear being attacked by a very superior force, it suffered a very considerable loss, though the skill and courage of general Kosciusko enabled him to make a respectable defence. On the 18th a general engagement took place between the two armies. The Russian line extended opposite Dubienka, along the Bog, as far as Opalin. The principal column, consisting of 14,000 men, was chiefly directed against the division of general Kosciusko, which consisted of 5000 men only. After a most vigorous resistance, in which the Russians lost upwards of 4000 men, and the troops of the republic only some hundreds, the latter were compelled to give way before the superior number of the enemy, and to retire farther into the country. This unequal contest was at last prematurely terminated. The king, whose benevolent intentions were, perhaps, overpowered by mental imbecility, and whose age and infirmities rendered him unequal to the difficulties and dangers of a protracted war, instead of putting himself, according to his first resolve, at the head of the army, determined to surrender at discretion. On the 23d of July he summoned a council of all the deputies at that moment in Warsaw. He laid before them the last despatches from the empress, which insisted upon total and unreserved submission. He pointed out the danger of a dismemberment of the republic, should they delay to throw themselves upon the 6 Not satisfied with restoring the old constitu- 1 nated without his interference, but that the obstinate resistance of the soi-disant patriots, and the jacobinical proceedings, especially in Great Poland, obliged him to take effective measures for his own safety. He had therefore concerted measures with the courts of Vienna and Petersburgh, and had resolved to send a body of troops under general Mollendorf into Great Poland.' Whatever factions existed in Poland previous to the Russian invasion they remained undiscovered by any eye, except that of the Prussian monarch. To the rest of Europe it appeared that the new constitution of Poland was received with applause by the unanimous voice of the whole nation, and produced real satisfaction among all ranks, except a few of the nobility who were either basely devoted to the court of Russia, or disappointed by being precluded from the chance of succeeding to the throne. The Prussian troops, however, advanced to Thorn, and, being refused entrance, attacked it with cannon, broke open the gates, dislodged the guards, and took possession of it on the 24th of January. Different Polish detachments, dispersed throughout Great Poland, were attacked at the same time, and driven from their posts. Dantzic, which had already suffered considerably by the oppressions of its neighbours, soon became subjected to the Prussians, and 1700 men were quartered upon the citizens. On the 3d of February the confederated Poles published a protest against the violent entrance of the Prussian troops, in which they complained of the breach of the most solemn engagements by those who were bound by treaties to give them all possible assistance. This confederation, which sat at Grodno, sent a note on these subjects, dated 6th of February, to count De Sievers, the Russian ambassador, to be communicated to the empress, entioning that an alarm of an intended new partition was general in Poland, and trusting to her majesty's friendship and good-will to quiet the alarms of the people, and concluding, that the confederation had sworn to maintain the unity and indivisibility of the republic. But, on the 24th February, they were insulted by a new manifesto of the king of Prussia, informing them that the same motives which had induced him to send troops into Great Poland, had led him to make sure of Dantzic and its dependencies. In this manifesto he also charged the city with having become the seat of an audacious sect, in close connexion with the rebels of France; and therefore he had ordered his lieutenant-general Raumez to take possession of Dantzic for the preservation of good order.' In consequence of all this the burgomaster and council of Dantzic, at the kind request of the king of Prussia, on the 2d April ordered all the inhabitants to keep quiet. The second partition of this unfortunate country was now rapidly approaching. It was preceded by manifestoes from the royal and imperial robbers. The declaration of the emperor of Germany was dated Vienna, February 14th, and was couched in terms of great forbearance, but contained an absolute injunction to the Poles in his dominions placidly to regard the dismemberment of their country. In March 6 The the manifesto of the empress of Russia appeared. Religion was, as usual, called in to sanction this atrocious act of rapine and injustice, and Catharine humanely lamented the sufferings of the Poles, among whom she had endeavoured for thirty years to, preserve tranquillity, &c. To provide, therefore, for the future safety of the Polish dominions, and to prevent all further changes, she graciously intended to take for ever, under the sceptre of Russia, those lands, with their inhabitants, which lie between Druy, on the left bank of the Dwina, to Neroch and Dubrova, and following the border of the waiwodship of Vilna, to Stalptsa, to Nesvig, and then to Pinsk; thence passing Kunish, between Viskero and Novogreble, near the frontier of Gallicia; thence to the Dniester, and terminating in the old border of Russia and Poland at Icgertie.' In this partition, the increase of the happiness of the inhabitants was avowed to be the sole object of her imperial majesty.' The declaration of the Prussian monarch, which was dated 25th March, echoed the sentiments of the Russian manifesto, and avowed that to preserve the republic of Poland from the dreadful effects of its internal divisions, and to rescue it from utter ruin, no means remained but to incorporate her frontier provinces into the states of Prussia; and therefore he had determined to take immediate possession of the cities of Dantzic and Thorn, the waiwodships of Posen, Gnesen, Kalish, Siradia, Lentschir, Rawa, and Polotsk; the city and monastery of Czentochowa; the provinces of Wielun, Cujavia, and Dobrzyn, &c. people were further exhorted to behave as loyal subjects to Prussia, and renounce all connexion with the crown of Poland. On the 9th April the count De Sievers signed a further declaration on the part of Russia, in which, after detail ing her efforts for preserving order in Poland, and the ingratitude with which these had been received, she pours forth a torrent of invectives against the Jacobine opposers of despotism in Poland. In return to all these declarations the confederation sent a note to M. de Sievers, expressing the utmost surprise at his avowal of the intended usurpation. The ministers of Berlin and Petersburgh delivered notes to the Polish diet, demanding the appointment of a deputation to sanction the intended division, which produced violent altercations. In the sitting of June 26th it was agreed, by a great majority, to claim the mediation of foreign courts with those of Berlin and Petersburgh, to induce them to withdraw their troops, and give up the provinces of the republic. A motion was next made that the deputation demanded should be empowered to treat only with Russia, which was supported by the king, and carried by a majority of 107 against twenty-four. On the 28th the question respecting the delegation to treat with the courts of Petersburgh and Berlin was agitated, and opposed by almost the whole chamber; and an injunction was voted to the chancellors of Courland and Lithuania, to draw up answers to the notes from those courts, agreeable to this resolution. The diet was then adjourned to the 1st of July, and from that to the 15th; when a second conference took place between the depu ties and the Russian ambassador, and the former delivered a remonstrance against the violence committed against the deputies, many of whom had been forcibly arrested at their houses. This memorial he refused to transmit to the empress, and replied in a note full of menaces, insisting on the ratification of the treaty, to which the diet refused to accede, and prorogued its sitting to the 30th. Successive threatening notes were sent to the diet, both by the Russian and Prussian ministers; and the castle was surrounded by Russian soldiers. At last, on the 2d September, the diet came to a resolution to declare to all Europe that, in defiance of the faith of treaties, by which the dependence of Poland was guaranteed, being at that moment deprived of free-will, surrounded with an armed force, and threatened with a further invasion by Prussian troops, they were compelled to authorise a deputation to sign the treaty planned and amended under the dictation of the Russian ambassador.' It was further declared, in this extorted treaty, in the name of the king, that he would not give his consent, in his own name and that of the diet, but on condition that the articles should be mutually agreed to, under the guarantee of the court of Russia. The violences exercised on this occassion were exceeded by those which took place during the subsequent negociation with Prussia, which was opened on the 23d September by the Russian ambassador; who, previous to the sitting, arrested four of the representatives; and stationed grenadiers in the avenues to the castle, which was surrounded with troops. Poland, thus reduced to one third of her force and extent, lost a proportionate part of her revenues. In the session of the 23d November a plan was adopted of raising two loans, under the guarantee of the empress of Russia; one for 27,000,000 of Polish florins, to discharge the king's debts; the other of 10,000,000, for the use of the republic. The finances of the republic were limited in future to 16,000,000 a year, ten of which were to be contributed by the remainder of the Polish provinces, and six by the remnant of Lithuania, to defray the support of the king, and the expenses of the civil list and army. The termination of the diet of Grodno was marked by turbulence and precipitation. The new constitution, though partly opposed by some of the nuncios, experienced little alteration, and its acceptation was formally announced. The two last sessions were tumultuous, and every effort was exerted by the opponents of Russia, but in vain. At last these repeated and unparalleled oppressions excited the latent patriotism of the Poles. Early in February the intrepid Kosciusko appeared at the head of a considerable body of insurgents, attacked the Prussians, forced them to retreat, and pursued them to a great distance. The Russians having evacuated Cracow, on the 23d of March, Kosciusko took possession of it on the 24th, and next morning ordered the gates to be shut, and proclaimed himself commander in chief of all the forces of Poland. He then imposed an oath of fidelity on all the military in the city, took possession of the public treasure, and proceeded to measures of military VOL. XVII. sequestration. On the 25th he issued a proclamation, in the most energetic terms, inviting the nation to shake off its fetters. This proclamation was received with great applause. Kosciusko was conducted to the town house, presented to the chief nobility, and by them formally invested with the title of general, while every thing was abundantly supplied for the support of his army. On the 26th a revolutionary tribunal was established, composed of fourteen members, and every five houses were required to furnish one man armed and equipped for the defence of the constitution against the usurping powers. The corporation then assembled before the townhouse, whence the magistrates led them to the church of the Holy Virgin, where the constitution of the 3d of May, 1791, was publicly read, and an oath taken to defend it. Kosciusko then issued another proclamation, exhorting the Poles to respect the dominions of the emperor; and the Austrian generals on the frontiers were officially informed that, if any violence were committed on the emperor's subjects, the revolutionary government would procure immediate indemnification. Warsaw was now in the highest state of fermentation. There were no fewer than 15,000 Russians in the city: where the permanent council decreed the insurgents rebels, and subjected them to the most arbitrary punishments. The king issued a proclamation exhorting his subjects to a peaceable acquiescence in the established order of things, and urging the danger and destruction of resistance. In the mean time the nobles who had taken the oaths before Kosciusko went to their respective estates to assemble and arm their vassals. Baron Ingelstrohm about this time surrounded the diet at Warsaw with a military force, and demanded the surrender of the arsenal. This was refused, and notice being sent to Kosciusko, he, about the end of March, set out for Warsaw with his army, and a reinforcement of 4000 peasants armed with pikes, &c. On the 4th of April he was met by a detachment of 6000 Russians, with a park of heavy artillery. A fierce battle ensued." The Polish peasants, in desperate valor, made a dreadful carnage of the enemy: general Woronzow was taken prisoner. and 1000 Russians killed; while the Poles are said to have lost only sixty men, and took eleven pieces of cannon. After the battle Kosciusko proceeded, with his army, to Craycovy, where he was joined by a great body of disaffected Poles. Early on the 17th a commotion took place at Warsaw which ended in the citizens seizing the arsenal and after a bloody conflict expelling the Russians. The Poles set fire to several houses in the city, to dislodge the remaining enemies, and a dreadful slaughter and pillage ensued. The king's situation after this became critical: a new regency kept no measures with the agents of Prussia and Russia, and the people were jealous of every motion of the king. They made him promise, repeatedly, that he would not quit Warsaw; placed two municipal officers as a guard on him, and desired him often to show himself to the people. The amiable monarch not only complied with these requests, but entered with such ardor into the national cause as to send the half of his silver plate to the mint, and 1000 ducats to 2 R |