You have made, as you naturally do, a very able analysis of powers; and have separated, as the things are separable, civil from political powers. You start too a question, whether the civil can be secured without some share in the political. For my part, as abstract questions, I should find some difficulty in an attempt to resolve them. But as applied to the state of Ireland, to the form of our commonwealth, to the parties, that divide us, and to the dispositions of the leading men in those parties, I cannot hesitate to lay before you my opinion, that whilst any kind of discouragements and disqualifications remain on the Catholicks, an handle will be made, by a factious power, utterly to defeat the benefits of any civil rights they may apparently possess. I need not go to very remote times for my examples. It was within the course of about a twelvemonth, that after Parliament had been led into a step, quite unparalleled in its records, after they had resisted all concession, and even hearing, with an obstinacy equal to any thing, that could have actuated a party domination in the second or eighth of Queen Anne, after the strange adventure of the grand juries, and after Parliament had listened to the Sovereign pleading for the emancipation of his subjects; it was after all this, that such a grudging and discontent was expressed, as must justly have alarmed, as it did extremely alarm, the whole of the Catholick, body: and I remember

but

"

but one period in my whole life, (I mean the savage period between 1761 and 1767) in which they have been more harshly or contumeliously treated, than since the last partial enlargement. And thus I am convinced it will be, by paroxysms, as long as any stigma remains on them, and whilst they are con- their allesidered as no better than half citizens. If they are

kept such for any length of time, they will be made ance to

deprives them fall

the pope whole Jacobins. Against this grand and dreadful evil of our time (I do not love to cheat myself or others) I do not know any solid security whatsoever." But I am quite certain that what will come nearest to it is to interest as many as you can in the present order of things, religiously, civilly, politically, by all the ties and principles, by which mankind are held. This is like to be effectual policy: I am sure which they

claith to he considered as citizens in a protestant state.

it is honourable policy and it is better to fail, if mustener fail we must, in the paths of direct and manly, than hati in this of low and crooked, wisdom.

As to the capacity of sitting in Parliament, after all the capacities for voting, for the army, for the navy, for the professions, for civil offices, it is a dispute de land caprina, in my poor opinion; at least on the part of those, who oppose it. In the first place, this admission to office, and this exclusion from Parliament, on the principle of an exclusion from political power, is the very reverse of the principle of the English Test Act. If I were to form a judgment from experience rather than theory, I should

doubt

heart.

doubt much whether the capacity for, or even the possession of, a seat in Parliament did really convey much of power to be properly called political. I have sat there, with some observation, for nineand-twenty years, or thereabouts. The power of a Member of Parliament is uncertain and indirect: and if power rather than splendour and fame were the object, I should think that any of the principal Clerks in office, to say nothing of their superiours, (several of whom are disqualified by law for seats in Parliament) possess far more power than nine tenths of the Members of the House of Commons. I might say this of men, who seemed from their fortunes, their weight in their Country, and their talents, to be persons of figure there; and persons too not in opposition to the prevailing party in government.

But be they what they will, on a fair canvass of the several prevalent parliamentary interests in Ireland, I cannot, out of the three hundred Members, of whom the Irish Parliament is composed, discover that above three, or at the utmost four, Catholicks, would be returned to the House of Commons. But suppose they should amount to thirty, that is to a tenth part, (a thing I hold impossible for a long series of years, and never very likely to happen,) what is this to those, who are to balance them in the one house, and the clear and settled majority in the other? For I think it absolutely impossible,

that

that, in the course of many years, above four or five Peers should be created of that communion. In fact, the exclusion of them seems to me only to mark jealousy and suspicion, and not to provide security in any way. But I return to the old ground." The danger is not there:-these are things long since done away. The grand controversy is no longer between you and them. Forgive this length. My pen has insensibly run on. You are yourself to blame, if you are much fatigued. I congratulate you on the auspicious opening of your Session. Surely Great Britain and Ireland ought to join in wreathing a never-fading garland for the head of a wreath 20 Grattan. Adieu! my dear Sir-good nights to you!-I never can have any.

Yours always most sincerely,

EDMUND BURKE.

be adjusted

by the public D

JAN. 29th, 1795.
Twelve at night.

A SECOND LETTER

ΤΟ

SIR HERCULES LANGRISH

IF

My dear Sir,

I am not as early as I ought to be in my knowledgments for your very kind Letter, do me the justice to attribute my failure to its natu and but too real, cause, a want of the most ordi power of exertion, owing to the impressions n upon an old and infirm constitution by private fortune and by publick calamity. It is true, I m occasional efforts to rouse myself to somet better but I soon relapse into that state of guor, which must be the habit of my body understanding to the end of my short and chee existence in this world.

I ain sincerely grateful for your kindness in necting the interest you take in the sentiment an old friend, with the able part you take in service of your Country. It is an instance, an many, of that happy temper, which has always a character of amenity to your virtues, and a g natured direction to your talents.

Your speech on the Catholick question I read much satisfaction. It is solid; it is convincing:

eloq