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They were no sooner alone than my Lord fell to questioning Mr. Brough, saying, "I prithee, Robin, to what is it that I must ascribe this morning's visit?" Mr. Brough made answer that he had business that way, and was willing to take the opportunity of inquiring after his lordship's welfare. "No, no, Robin," said my Lord, I am not to be put off with such flams as that. I'll venture an even wager thy business is with me, and thou art come to solicit on behalf of some snivelling Whig or fanatic that is got into Lob's pound yonder in the west. But I can tell thee beforehand, for thy comfort, as I have done several others, that it will be to no purpose, and, therefore, thou mightest as well have spared thy labour."

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But pray, why so, my Lord?" said Mr. Brough. Supposing that should be the case, I hope, as they have not been all alike guilty, and some may have been drawn in by others, it is not designed that all shall fare alike." "Yes, yes, Robin," says my Lord, "they are all villains and rebels alike, all unfit for mercy, and they must be alike hanged up, that the nation may be clear of such vermin; or else," said he, "we should find now they are worsted and clapped up, that they were all drawn in, and we shall have none to make examples of justice to the terrifying of others. But, I prithee, Robin," said my Lord, "who art thou come to solicit for? Let me know in a word."

Says he, "My Lord, it is an honest fellow, with whom I have been a considerable dealer; one with whom your Lordship and I have taken many a bottle when time was; and one that, besides, is so much in my debt, that if he is not somehow or other brought off, I am like to be several hundred pounds the worse. It is Story, my Lord, whom your Lordship cannot but remember."

"Ah, poor Story!" said my Lord, "he is caught in the field, and put in the pound. Right enough served: he should have kept farther off; and you should have taken care not to have dealt with such wretches. But he must have his due among the rest," said my Lord; and you must thank yourself for the loss you sustain.”

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"Well, but I hope your Lordship," said Mr. Brough, "will find some way to bring him off, and help him to a share in the royal clemency, for which there will doubtless be some scope, that so I mayn't suffer for his fault. I intend, my Lord," said he, "to go the circuit with you, and we'll drink a bottle and be merry together every night, if you'll be so good as to give me a little encouragement." Nay, now, friend Robin," said my Lord, "I am sure thou art most woefully out in thy scheme, for that would spoil all. Shouldst thou take that method, thou shouldst certainly see thy friend Story hung upon a gibbet some feet higher than his neighbours, and there could be no room for showing mercy. But take my advice for once, and go thy ways home, and take not the least notice to any one of what has passed. Particularly take care to give no hint to Story himself, or to any one capable of conveying it to him, that there has been any application to me concerning him; and, though he should write never so often, give him no answer, either directly or indirectly. If any notice was given him, I should certainly find it out, and be forced to resent it; and the consequence would be, that I should be under a necessity of using him with more severity than I might of myself be inclined to. But keep counsel, say nothing to any one, and leave me to take my own way, and I'll see what can be done."

Mr. Brough followed orders, kept all that before the King and Council." Mr. Story, had passed entirely to himself, and never made being greatly surprised, begged with the ut Mr. Story any reply. He concluded either most earnestness, that he would so far befriend that his letters miscarried, and never came to him as to let him send to his relations for some hand, or that no mercy could be had, and, suitable apparel, and have a barber to trim therefore, lived in expectation of the utmost him, that he might not appear in such a preseverity. He dreaded the coming of the Lord sence in so miserable a plight. The keeper Chief Justice, and the sight of him when he declared that his orders were positive to bring was come; and, when he appeared before him in all respects as he was, without any him, he was treated with that peculiar rough-alteration, and that he durst not presume to ness, that he was rather more dispirited than disobey them. Wherefore he clapped him before. into a coach as he was, and drove to Whitehall.

When Jeffreys cast his eyes upon him from the bench, he knew him well enough; and he (poor wretch) stood bowing and cringing before him in so suppliant a manner as that he thought it might have moved any thing but a stone, and looked at him with a piercing earnestness, to try if he could meet with any thing that had the least appearance of remaining compassion; he was, as it were, thunderstruck to hear him, upon pointing to him, cry out in the sternest manner that could be conceived, "What forlorn creature is that that stands there? It is certainly the ugliest creature my eyes ever beheld! What for a monster art thou?" Poor Story, continuing his bows and cringes, cried out, "Forlorn enough, my Lord, I am very sensible. But my name is Story, and I thought your Lordship had not been wholly ignorant of me." " Ay, Story," said my Lord; "I confess I have heard enough of thee. Thou art a sanctified rogue! a double-dyed villain! Thou wert a Commissary, and must make speeches, forsooth; and now, who so humble and mortified as poor Story! The common punishment is not bad enough for thee! But a double and treble vengeance awaits thee! I'll give thee thy desert, I'll warrant thee; and thou shalt have thy bellyful of treason and rebellion before 1 have done with thee."

The poor man concluded the very worst against himself that could be, and became inconsolable. My Lord's carriage was much of the same kind upon his trial afterwards. He railed at him until he foamed at the mouth, and gave him the foulest language, called the hardest names, and used the most cutting reproaches that were observed in the case of any one that came before him in that place. Yet, when others were executed, he was respited, being, as was said, reserved for some severer vengeance. When my Lord left town, his chains were doubled and trebled by order, but his life was left him as a prey; and so great was the misery he endured that he could hardly think of any thing worse, or imagine what that was which was said to be reserved for him.

When he had continued thus for a great while, at length there came orders for the transferring him, with a good guard attending him, to another prison that was somewhat nearer London; and from thence he, after some time, was with great care transferred to another, and so to another, still all the while laden with irons, until at length he was brought up to, and lodged safe in, Newgate, where he continued for a great while, confined to a miserable dark hole, not being able to distinguish well between night and day, except towards noon, when, by a little crevice of light as he stood on a chest, with his hands extended to the utmost length that his eyes could reach to, he made a shift to read a few verses in an old Bible he had in his pocket, which was his greatest remaining comfort.

In this miserable plight his keeper came running to him one day, with abundance of eagerness, saying, “Mr. Story, I have just now gotten orders to bring you up immediately

As they were driving thither, and talking about the particulars of his case, the keeper told him he had only one hint to give him, which was this, that if he saw the King at the head of the table in Council, and he should think fit to put any questions to him, which it was not improbable might be his case, it would be his best and wisest way to return a plain and direct answer, without attempting to hide, conceal, or lessen any thing. He thanked him for the advice given, and promised to follow it.

When he was brought into the Council Chamber, he made so sad and sorrowful a figure, that all present were surprised and frightened; and he had so strong a smell, by being so long confined, that it was very offensive. When the King first cast his eyes upon him, he cried out, "Is that a man? or what else is it ?" Chancellor Jeffreys told his Majesty that that was Story, of whom he had given his Majesty so distinct an account. "Oh! Story," says the King; "I remember him. That is a rare fellow, indeed!" Then turning towards him, he talked to him very freely and familiarly.

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Pray, Mr. Story," says he, "you were in Monmouth's army in the west, were you not?" He, according to the advice given him, made answer presently, "Yes, an't please your Majesty." "And you," said he, "were a commissary there, were you not ?" And he again replied, "Yes, an't please your Majesty." “And you,” said he, "made a speech before great crowds of people, did you not?" He again very readily answered, "Yes, an't please your Majesty." "Pray," says the King to him, "if you haven't forgot what you said, let us have some taste of your fine florid speech. Let us have a specimen of some of the flowers of your rhetoric, and a few of the main things on which you insisted."

Whereupon Mr. Story told us that he readily made answer, "I told them, and it please your Majesty, that it was you that fired the City of London." "A rare rogue, upon my word!" said the King. "And pray what else did you tell them ?"" I told them," said he, "and it please your Majesty, that you poisoned your brother." "Impudence in the utmost height of it!" said the King. "Pray let us have something farther, if your memory serves you." "I farther told them," said Mr. Story, "that your Majesty appeared to be fully determined to make the nation both Papists and slaves."

By this time the King seemed to have heard enough of the prisoner's speech; and, therefore, crying out, "A rogue with a witness!" and, cutting off short, he said, "To all this I doubt not but a thousand other villainous things were added; but what would you say, Story, if, after all this, I should grant you your life?" To which he, without any demur, made answer, that he should pray heartily for his Majesty as long as he lived. "Why, then," says the King, "I freely pardon all that is past, and hope you will not, for the future, represent your King as inexorable."

YORK CATHEDRAL.

THE first notices of the history of this edifice, though referring to such remote times as the early part of the seventh century, are unusually distinct. It appears that Edwin, King of Northumbria, to whom is due the honour of Christianizing the North of England, commenced his career by himself submitting to the ordinance of baptism. This was performed by Paulinus, April 12th, 627, in a small wooden chapel, which had been hastily constructed for the purpose. When, however, this event began, from its consequence, to be looked back upon as important, Paulinus suggested that an appropriate church of stone should be erected on the spot, at once to commemorate the event, and to enclose the edifice in which it occurred. This was accordingly done; but it does not appear to have been a very permanent monument; for, in 720, Eddius writes a minute description of it, stating that it was then in ruins, and inhabited by birds. Wilfrid, however, renewed it, with considerable additions, and shortly afterwards it was still further enriched by the presentation of Archbishop Egbert's library. This prelate had appointed the celebrated Alcuin, afterwards Abbot of Canterbury, to be his librarian-a man highly distinguished by his literary attainments, and whom we have before had occasion to bring before the notice of our

readers, as the finder and translator of the Book of Jasher. Indeed, every thing connected with Alcuin tends to inspire an interest in his character and literary history, and especially in the library, which, at this early period, grew up under his hands; and we cannot, therefore, but deplore that, owing to the accident. about to be mentioned, we are shut out from all information on the subject.

But it was not in literary research alone that Alcuin gained his renown. We owe to him the rebuilding of this Cathedral, in the most magnificent Saxon style, after a fire, by which it suffered much injury, in 741. Nor need it be regarded as very remarkable, that the clergy should in this age have excelled in an art so foreign from their profession as that of architecture, when it is recollected that in these ages of darkness they were the almost exclusive depositories of education, and, consequently, of every branch of useful knowledge; and that most of their abbeys and cathedrals were built by themselves.

Little is known of the history of this edifice from the time of Alcuin to the time of the Norman conquest. In 1069 the Northumbrians attempted, with the assistance of the Danes, to overthrow the usurped dominion of the Norman conqueror, besieged and fired York, and burnt to the ground the Cathedral, to

gether with the interesting collection of manuscripts to which we have alluded.

By the exertions, however, of Thomas of Bayeux, the Cathedral rose again with increased extent and elegance. But a species of fatality seemed to be directed against the designs of these reverend individuals, for in 1137 it was again destroyed by an accidental fire. This event seems to have repressed their pious ardour for a time, as we find that it lay in ruins until the year 1171, when Archbishop Roger began to rebuild the choir. In 1260 John de Romayn erected the north part of the transept, and raised a tower in the place which the great lantern afterwards occupied. His son laid the foundation of the nave in 1291, and in 1330 we find the west end completed.

During the civil wars it suffered, in common with most other buildings of its class, from the barbarous zeal of the popular party, but was repaired by a subscription of the nobility and gentry of the county; and from that time until February, 1829, it experienced none of those vicissitudes which marked its earlier history. The event, which occurred at the period to which we refer (we mean the conflagration by which it was so materially injured), is too well known, and too deeply deplored by all lovers of antiquity and of art, to render it necessary for us to dwell upon it; we hope, however, that the munificence and the skill which have been exerted will not fail to restore it to its former magnificence.

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ON THE DEATH OF A YOUTH. WE had hopes it was pleasure to nourish,

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(Then how shall our sorrow be mute?) That those bright buds of genius would flourish, And burst into blossom and fruit.

But our hopes and our prospects are shaded;
For the plant which inspired them has shed
Its foliage, all green and unfolded,

Ere the beauty of spring-time is fled.
Like foam on the crest of the billow,
Which sparkles and sinks from the sight;
Like leaf of the wind-shaken willow,
Though transiently, beauteously bright;
Like dew-drops exhaled as they glisten;
Like perfume which dies soon as shed;
Like melody hushed when we listen,
Is memory's dream of the dead.

BERNARD BARTON.

IMITATION FROM THE PERSIAN.

BY DR. SOUTHEY.

LORD! who art merciful as well as just,
Incline thine ear to me, a child of dust!
Not what I would, O Lord, I offer thee,
Alas, but what I can!

Father Almighty, who hast made me man,
And bade me look to Heaven, for thou art there,
Accept my sacrifice, and humble prayer.
Four things which are not in thy treasury
I lay before thee, Lord, with this petition :-
My nothingness, my wants,
My sins, and my contrition!

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We have received the contribution of A Constant

Reader.

We thank H. H. for his advice.

The Editor feels that some apology is due to the Society of Friends in general, for the accidental admission of some passages, in a letter from R. S., in No. 20 of The Tourist, involving some reflections upon them as a body, which, with all respect to R. S., he considers as uncalled for and unjust. He is exceedingly sorry that his unwillingness to limit too nar

the influence of example is gone; and the idle
and vicious, being alone left to perform the
labours of the estate, are stimulated to insub-
ordination by jealousy of the good fortune of
their emancipated brethren; if, on the other
hand, the idle and turbulent are selected, a
premium is given for bad behaviour, and sla-
very becomes the reward of merit.

Suppose another principle is adopted-the emancipation, by lot, of a given number anrowly the expressions of a correspondent who was writ-nually, without reference to character. Not ing in self-defence should have led him to overlook only would the same jealousy be provoked, the objectionable tendency of some passages contained but, inasmuch as this reduction of the effecin the letter. The Tourist is surely the last publica- tive power of the gang would throw additional tion which should contain any reflections upon a body duty on the remainder, that jealousy would be of Christians, to whose benevolent efforts the cause of justified by severer usage (if that, indeed, is the enslaved African has been, for upwards of a cen- possible); and sullen discontent, we all know, tury, so deeply indebted. does not require the apology of being well founded, to lead to revolt. We say nothing of the hardship on the planter, of thus incapacitating him from carrying on the works of the plantation; for, in honest truth, we think that his interest is only entitled to secondary consideration; yet even he might complain with reason, that, when freemen will not submit to the degradation of working with slaves (vide the evidence passim), he is thus deprived of the opportunity of replacing his emancipated hands by the aid of free labour. What other plan of selection can be suggested? We believe that we have exhausted them all.

THE

TOURIST.

MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1833.

FALLACY OF GRADUAL EMAN

CIPATION.

WE beg to call the attention of our readers to the following very able and valuable article, which we copy from the Christian Advocate.

MANY plans have been from time to time suggested, and, under the specious name of "Gradual Abolition," have been thoughtlessly supported by those who affect an anxiety for the slave, while they will not give themselves the trouble to read that they may think, or to think on the little which they have read. There is something sweetly soothing about this term "Gradual;" it is quite comfortable to the indolent philanthropist. He seats himself in quiet by his fireside, indulging in all the luxury of a cheerful blaze and an easy chair, and consoling himself with the amplitude of time which his principle of benevolence will require for its full development! "Don't be impatient, my good friend-all great bodies must be moved with caution; sudden changes are attended with danger-take your time about it-the more haste the worse speed;" and thus, with a hundred old saws, all to the same effect, he lulls body and conscience together into a convenient slumber, and satisfies nineteen out of twenty, as well of his wisdom as of his philanthropy! This is pure babbling, and as mischievous as it is puerile. Let us examine some of these plans of "Gradual-rency. ism," and see to what they amount.

One of the most approved of them is to emancipate a given number of slaves annually. With whom will you begin? If you select the children or the aged, what can be the result, but to throw on the colony a number of paupers, incapable of providing for themselves, and where no poor-laws are in force to ensure a bare subsistence? The children are at present supported by their parents, by the provisions raised in their extra hours; and, wretched as this support must be, it is at least enough to keep body and soul together. That very intelligent witness, Mr. Barry, at page 435 of the Lords' Evidence, is asked the question, "Do the parents support them now?" and distinctly replies in the affirmative, "They do ;" and again, at page 439, he repeats that "the provisions for them are raised by the labour of their parents."

Should the selection, then, be made of the adults? How, again, is the choice to be determined? If the best characters are removed,

pages 206 and 207 of the Lords' Evidence); and, also by him, and all the witnesses, that the only source of a slave's property is the sale of extra provisions, which, in such a fertile country, can scarcely be very valuable. Yet the average price of an adult-slave is, at least, £80. Are we, then, unreasonable in assuming that life is too short, even for the most industrious negro, to effect more than his own purchase, under the most favourable circumstances?-and thus he must, under a system of compulsory manumission, abandon those who are dearest to him, to hopeless misery under their owner's lash!

It is unnecessary to advert particularly to the proposition of declaring the children freeborn. This plan has been long exploded. Not only is it open to many of the objections we have stated, but all are at length agreed that the freedom of adults is, at least, of equal importance to that of their offspring. Indeed, none but those who absurdly despaired of ever obtaining more would have dreamt of leaving helpless infants to the tender mercies of slaveowning barbarians. Oh! how liberal would have been their maintenance! How gentle their nurture! How pure, how Christian, their education!

What, then, is to be done? Again and again have we answered that question: long before this evidence ever saw the light, or had Then comes the scheme of compulsory ma- even been given. Emancipate them all-at numission; or, to speak more intelligibly to once-without delay-every man, woman, and those who are not familiar with the phraseo- child, that breathes in bondage. Away with logy of the question, compelling the owner to all your cowardly sagacity! your timorous manumit any slave who can buy his own free-prudence! your slothful, sluggish, slumbering, dom; and here, we must premise, a great procrastinating humanity! It is in this the error generally obtains. Many of the wit- danger lies: every veteran knows that safety nesses speak of "slaves" possessing property. is found in courage, not in fear; every schoolThere are many classes of slaves. Some are boy will tell you that he who shrinks from the employed as mechanics; others as head men, leap will fall into the ditch. We are mistaken to superintend various departments of labour; if we do not make this apparent, even to the and many more as domestics. Of these classes, most hare-hearted gradualist of them all. Jano doubt, several possess property to an amount maica is even now on the brink of danger; if that might enable them to buy their freedom, the next packet brings us tidings of a sanon the compulsory principle; but their propor- guinary and decisive revolt we shall not be tion is scarcely as one to a hundred of the surprised; and, thank God, we shall not have slave population. They are not only excep- ourselves to blame; but we will plainly tell tions, but rare exceptions, to the general rule; our cautious abolitionists that the burthen on and, when our readers hear the property of their consciences will be only inferior to that slaves discussed, we entreat them to bear in of the white self-deluded wretches, who will mind this distinction-the field slaves, taken fall the first victims to the vengeance of the collectively, possess no property; yet they form, oppressed! We might multiply quotations to at least, 300,000 of the slaves in Jamaica! the same effect; perhaps, hereafter, we shall do so; but, for the present, we content ourselves with entreating patient and fixed attention to the following extract from Mr. Barry's evidence, which we select because it is throughout distinguished by a calm intelligence that entitles it to more than ordinary weight. That its effect was astounding to the noble examiners is very apparent, from the eager anxiety of the cross-examination, and the disposition exhibited, in the subsequent examination of Admiral Fleming, to convict him of inaccuracy; Mr. Barry stood the test of both ordeals, and his testimony is corroborated by all who followed him.

The Consolidated Slave Act proves, moreover, that the slave cannot, by law, possess, distinctly from his owner, more than £25 cur

But, to return from this digression, does not this system of compulsory manumission obviously work the same injustice that we have before described? In proportion as a slave is ingenious, orderly, and industrious, he enhances his value, and thus his good behaviour raises the price which he must pay for his freedom. In like manner, too, it ensures the release, in the first instance, of the well-conducted part of the gang; and thus, again, the danger is incurred that attends every other plan of selection. It is also attended by another evil of no common magnitude: it has a direct tendency to break through all the social ties, and to sever those domestic relations which policy, as well as religion, would encourage. Half a life of extra labour might, possibly, enable a man to buy himself; but how is he, then, to accomplish the freedom of his wife and children? It is admitted by Mr. Shand, a colonial witness, that one day's labour will produce provisions sufficient for a slave's maintenance throughout the year (vide I

Upon the whole, what do you consider the situation of the field slave, as to his physical condition, in respect of food and clothing, and his general treatment?

I believe that the physical condition of the slave is such as to render it impossible that he can described the moral and religious state of destituever be satisfied with such a state. I have already tion in which he is placed.

Do you consider that emancipaton would in any respect be more dangerous than abolition might be, postponed to a distant or uncertain date?

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Yes, those I have referred to.

Suppose any system of partial abolition were adopted, whether it proceeded on the principle of emancipating a certain portion annually, or of emancipating the more orderly, industrious characters first, would it not be injurious to the planters in two ways-by diminishing the sufficiency of his slaves for the ordinary duties of his plantations, and by withdrawing the industrious characters in the gang?

I certainly am of that opinion: it must necessarily follow, that where freedom should be given only to the best conducted, the worst conducted must remain, and the physical and numerical strength of the gang must be diminished by such gradual abolition.

Would not such a plan of emancipation be doubly injurious to those who remained, from the strong temptation held out to the planter to make his remaining slaves do double work, to produce the same quantity of sugar as was produced before the gang was diminished?

I think, under the existing state of things, that is highly probable, if not certain; and, besides that consideration, there is another danger, which I think would necessarily attach to such a measure, which would be, increasing the jealousy and discontented feeling of the slaves who remained.

Do you conceive it would be possible, by any arrangement, to avoid those dangers, or the still greater risk of stimulating those who remained in slavery to emancipate themselves by violence? I do not think it possible that any such arrangement could be made.

Are not the slaves able to obtain regular information, through the newspapers, of all that passes in this country? and state the channel through which they obtain such information.

the north side; and one instance was given, in
which such conversation had actually taken place;
so that it is impossible, with such sources of know-
ledge (of a dangerous character, so far as the
negro is concerned), that they should remain ignorant
of those transactions which are taking place; and
they are as perfectly aware, comparatively speaking,
of what is doing in the mother country as your Lord-
ships.

Is not their desire for freedom, in consequence
of this general information, in advance of their
moral and religious improvement?

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It is and I believe no degree of moral and religious improvement will ever make the slaves satisfied with their present condition.

Are you in any degree acquainted with the causes of the late insurrection in Jamaica? If you are, please to state them.

The fact which I have now stated I conceive to

thirst for liberty which God has implanted in every breast! We rejoice to see the legitimate operation of the British press in thus aiding the miserable in their desperate conflict. Let us not be misunderstood. We are no advocates for violence or insurrection, whatever be the provocation. We would not desecrate that sacred weapon, the liberty of the press, by exerting it in a sanguinary revolt; but we rejoice, we exult in seeing it thus expel the sepulchral darkness with which oppression has laboured too successfully to envelop the huts of slavery. The press of England cannot be silenced; its voice has been heard across the Atlantic. Ere another year has elapsed, we trust it will compel a hearing for the slave, even within the

walls of a British Parliament!

remarks obliges us to postpone, to another day, The length to which we have extended these some further observations, which will show the comparative facility of now introducing a rigorous system of police in lieu of the existing discipline of the owner, a very important consideration in any scheme of abolition that may be contemplated.

REVIEW.

THE MOSAICAL AND MINERAL GEOLOGIES
ILLUSTRATED AND COMPARED. By W. M.
HIGGINS, F.G.S., &c. Scoble, Chancery
Lane.

scene.

form the groundwork-a strong desire in the slaves to obtain their freedom; and I refer to their general information on the subject of the measures likely to be adopted at home for their final emancipation. They have long entertained the opinion, to use their own language, that the king has made them free, but that their masters have withheld that freedom from them; and I cannot avoid mentioning, in immediate connection with that impression, the injudicious measures adopted by the parochial meetings in Jamaica, just before I last went to that island. Meetings were called in the respective parishes for the purpose of adopting resolutions, and appointing delegates to England, in order to lay their causes of complaint before his majesty's government. It was then, I believe, stated, and it is the general impression in Jamaica at this moment, that, in the event of the non-interference of Government, they were to request to be freed from VOLNEY stood upon the Ruins of Empires. their allegiance to the British Crown. This was no The geologist stands upon the ruins of the secret; the negroes were perfectly aware of it, and world. Volney enjoyed, mid the desolation they considered that this was shutting effectually the around him, many a landscape, many a fairy door against their hopes of freedom; and, connected with this measure, I can never avoid considering his ruins covered with verdure, and others asThe geologist, too, beholds many of the rejection, for so I must call it, of Mr. Beau-suming proportions at once beautiful and submont's compulsory Manumission Bill, as exerting a very powerful influence upon the negroes in respect to that insurrection. I have stated that his popularity rose to an immense height, on account of his having brought forward that measure; the negroes were highly excited in conseI was aware of that fact before I left Jamaica; quence, and their hopes were completely disapone of the most intelligent men in the country told pointed by the rejection of that measure by the me so but, since my arrival in London, I have Legislative Assembly. Here is another cause received a letter from one of our missionaries, who, which, combined with the two former, I do think in conjunction with others, was requested by, I was a proximate cause of the rebellion, at least think, the custos, Mr. Barrett, to examine some partially. In consequence of some disturbances negroes, under sentence of death in Montego Bay which had taken place in the Windward Islands, gaol, on the cause of the late insurrection, and his majesty felt himself called upon to issue a one of the principal persons informed the mission- proclamation, which was also sent to Jamaica; aries, who were then inquiring into the circum- but, in consequence of the state of quiet prevailing stances, that they received their intelligence in that colony, the proclamation had not been through the medium of the English papers, one of made public, but unfortunately (for I do consider which he produced in confirmation of the fact. There it as unfortunate), a few days before Christmas is another medium through which communications this proclamation was promulgated. I was standof that kind are made to the negroes. Weing at our Chapel door, on the Parade, at Kingshave in Jamaica what are called walking buckras ton, talking with another missionary; I saw a -white men, who have either served on board man in the act of posting one on the gate; I went merchant vessels, or had formerly served as over- out and read it, and, as soon as I had done so, 1 seers and book-keepers; in either case they are observed, "I shall feel very much mistaken if we now out of employment. They are a public do not have some disturbance this Christmas.” nuisance in the country, and by their conduct He said, Why?" I said, "From the effect produce a great deal of mischief; they go to the which the wording of this proclamation will pronegro houses, for the purpose of procuring a night's duce upon the minds of the slaves.' lodging or rum; and I am informed that they take calculated to make an impression (remembering the island papers, and read them to the negroes, which that they had long imagined the king had made is a very dangerous but common mode of commu- them free) that his majesty was about to withdraw nicating intelligence. But there is another source his interference on their behalf, and I did conceive of information which ought not to be lost sight of, that they would consider that as shutting the last which is, the incautious manner in which the gen- door against their hopes.-Vide pp. 537, 539, tlemen of Jamaica talk before their own servants. Domestic servants are, in general, very numerous in the houses of the planters; and, either before How pregnant with instruction is every syltheir own families or friends, they talk as openly lable of this extract! Treason, on the one and freely as if the negroes did not understand what hand, ruthlessly working its own punishment they were saying. It appears from the letters I-sedition opening for its authors a gulf of have received, and the testimony of those men under sentence of death, that such was the fact on

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It was

destruction-while, on the other, neither mo-
rality nor religion can avail to repress that

lime, and surveying them acknowledges that,
whether chance or God were the creator, the
wreck of matter transcends in excellence the
loftiest imaginings of human wit. Volney,
from his abstractions, arose to contemn re-
vealed truth, and many a geologist has de-
scended from ennobling contemplations to
prove that his discoveries are at variance with
the written word. But the wicked are snared
in their own net. Volney's Ruins have failed
in their baneful intent, while his travels afford
a striking evidence of the fulfilment of pro-
phecy: the geologist's researches have finally
tended to illustrate the Scripture cosmogony,
The
and to confirm the Mosaic account.
streams of science have always some golden
sands, and when time has allowed them to
subside, and permitted their separation, they
may be molten, struck with the impress of
truth, and cast into the treasury of the Lord.

dergo this refining process: her first rise was
Geology has subsisted long enough to un-
like that of the mountain torrent, overwhelm-
ing, desolating; but since she has spread
abroad upon the surface of science, her waters
have lost their turbulence and turbid hue; be-
calmed, they reflect the light of heaven, and
from her depths religion gathers an enriching
store. The work before us is from the pen of
a Christian geologist. The execution is satis-
factory; displaying more of the philosopher
than the man of letters, yet not destitute of
vigorous and beautiful passages. The plan of
this treatise, for it does not assume the portli
ness of a volume, is, by introductory remarks,
to justify the institution of the comparison be-
tween the Mosaical and Mineral Geologies-
next, to give an Outline of Practical Geology,
in which the author adopts the classification of

De la Beche-then, to exhibit a view of Theoretic Geology--and, finally, to show that the Mosaic account perfectly tallies with modern discoveries, and the more sober theories which have been founded upon them. Except the detail of the second part, the subject cannot fail to be interesting: even in that there are one or two statements calculated to draw forth much wonder and admiration.

If geology had done nothing more than given us an enlarged view of the wonder-working power of the Great Supreme, it would have accomplished something; but it also unfolds recondite instances of his wisdom. Thus we find that while the rugged outline of the Alp, or the broken crag of the Derbyshire landscape, administers to our pleasure, the ragged strata lay bare veins of metal, or invite the miner to run an adit for coal. Lest untutored man should remain incurious of the riches of the earth, her varied stores were broken open and exposed to view.

philosophy must be wrong. In fine, however,
it seems that the Bible and philosophy stand
together, and the only wrong parties were the
dogmatists on either side. The peculiarity of
the present book consists in this, that the au-
thor adopts the notions of modern geologists
as to the earth's age to the fullest extent, and
in so doing finds his faith in the Mosaic his-
tory confirmed: in fact, as the title intimates,
the Mosaic and Mineral Geologies, when com-
pared, illustrate one another. We first notice
a short reference to the Deluge, which is sub-
stantiated by a new and more approved evi-
dence than that of which we were bereft. The
Deluge was universal; and, wherever we take
off the superficial or alluvial deposit, we find
the diluvial deposit, consisting of gravel, erratic
blocks, and many fossil bones of the mam-
malia. The stones, having been rolled into
the state of pebbles, evince the action of agi-
tated waters. These, being universally and
superficially strewn over the other beds, show
The comparison, the part more strictly their subsequent deposition: thus we prove
adapted to the religious public, is well sus- they were left by the last diluvian catastrophe,
tained; and we shall endeavour, in as succinct and as we read of none later than the time of
a form as possible, to give the scope of the ar- Noah, these remains yield undubitable evi-
gument. We are unacquainted with the in- dence of Noah's flood. But the serious point
most material of the earth; though, by hyper-is, whether the other and lower deposits were
bole, we talk of diving into its bowels, we formed at the same time, and, if they were
hardly puncture the skin: we only guess at not, whether Moses's date of the creation be
its more solid formation from occasional pro- correct. We have already given a reason for
trusion of the lower rocks. The skin, or crust, concluding that part of the lower deposits
were formed long before the era of the Deluge,
and part before the date of time; that is, be-
fore the era of man's existence on the earth,
Strata requiring successive changes, could not
be formed by one change. Strata requiring
the mechanical action of many centuries, could
not have been formed in the 3000 years which,
at the highest computation, existed between
the creation and the flood. What was the
former condition of the globe is not for us to
know, no antediluvian man has been found
fossilized; and should some other lords of the
creation, prior to our epoch, have ruled over
the animals of mighty dimension, and have
been shaded by the herbage of gigantic pro-
portion which have been found in a fossil
state, the fact of not discovering such former
lords would not prove they never had an ex-
istence. This circumstance would be far from
raising a presumption that the world in which
the megalosaurus and the arboraceous ferns
flourished, had no intelligent tenant or ad-
mirer. Scripture allows full room for sup-
posing a long intermediate period between the
first creation and the first note of time. Yea,
seeing there isto be a new heaven and a new earth,
wherein dwelleth righteousness, we might be
strengthened in the opinion that he who hath
given distinct and increasingly luminous dis-
pensations to man, has in like manner given
eras of varied character to the globe.

of this orb becomes the sole matter of investi-
gation; diversified by the probability that the
primitive rocks constitute the earth's founda-
tions. This crust is formed of layers or strata,
not regular, as the coats of an onion, but
broken, upheaved, depressed, scattered on every
hand; and most, if not all, the beds above the
primitive rocks are the work of time and cir-
cumstance, and are, therefore, well termed
mechanical rocks. The one are the immediate
result of the almighty power, the other of
secondary and progressive agency, and from
their appearance receive the well-distinguished
names of stratified and unstratified rocks:
the latter formed by direct or chemical agency,
the former by causes supposed to be the same
or analogous to those now in operation. Stra-
tified rocks are again divided into fossiliferous
and non-fossiliferous, and each of these has
several subdivisions. This general classifica-
tion seems quite natural, and is sufficient for
our purpose. The fossiliferous rocks, as their
name imports, contain the remains of animal,
vegetable, and marine productions, and for
many years were esteemed as irrefragable
proofs of the devastating influence of an uni-
versal flood. But, in process of time, some
most confounding facts appeared, which sug-
gested the probability, not of one, but of many
wide catastrophes, and that ere the one de-
struction came, this earth had been affected
by minor and partial convulsions. For some-
times after a bed of marine deposit there
chances another of animal, and then a bed of
marine again.
It is very evident that the
specific gravity of materials could not account
for this, neither would the situation permit the
insinuation of a stratum; all these deposits
must have followed one after another, and in
regular succession. Finally, they were found
to be of a depth and extent inconsistent with
the age of the world between the Mosaic date of
the Creation and the Deluge. Here, said the
Deist, nature has given us a new date for the
birth of the world; philosophy must be right
and the Bible wrong. The Christian replied:
the inspiration of the Scriptures is demonstra-
ble from moral evidence; the Bible is right and

In order to show the coincidence of the sacred record with these suggestions, our author first lays the basis of his argument on the first nineteen verses of the first chapter of Genesis, in the critical remarks of Rosenmuller, and the comment of Josephus and the Rabbins; having also, in the first verses, the concurrence of W. Penn.

Our limits will not allow of our giving any account of that interpretation by which he supports his theory. We can only say that it is highly satisfactory to us, and conclude by recommending this treatise to all who wish for sound views upon a subject which has been much embarrassed by the sophisms and tricks of infidelity.

A LETTER FROM LEGION TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF RICHMOND, Chairman of the Slavery Committee of the House of Lords. Containing an Exposure of the Character of the Evidence on the Colonial Side. London. Bagster. pp. 196. 8vo.

WE can do little more, in our present number, than announce the publication of this pamphlet, and strongly recommend its immediate and attentive perusal to our readers. It will go far to exhibit, in its true character of ignorance, misrepresentation, and inconsistency, the colonial evidence which has been adduced before the Lords' Committee, and should be extensively circulated by every enemy of oppression and cruelty. We purpose extracting from it somewhat largely in our next number.

WE extract the following letter from the Times of Wednesday, January 9th. Although it may be necessary, in order fully to understand the writer, to refer to some former correspondence, yet enough of his, scope and design may be learned from this letter to afford much pleasure to such as are interested in the great question of emancipation.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir, I have just read in your paper of this morning a letter signed "B.," on the subject of the conduct of the Jamaica Assembly towards Lord Mulgrave, together with your judicious remarks thereon. I am not going to take up your space and your readers' time by a long tirade against slavery; I merely wish to correct a gross misrepresentation--a slander against 1,300,000 people-on the part of "B.," when speaking of the feelings of the British North American colonists.

The British North American colonies have, it may be admitted, certain grievances which occasionally generate loud outbreakings of complaint; but "B." must not think that because they complain, they are, therefore, likely to "unite in the broad and intelligible principle of resistance,” when the matter to be resisted is the interference on which B. enlarges. I should much like to hear the evidence which has satisfied "B.'s" mind on the point; but unless that evidence (if any) be sufficient to convince all calm and reasoning men, I must beg him to withdraw the slander alluded to, and cease to include the British North American colonies in his threats-impotent, I should call them-of rebellion.

It may be, that public opinion has a tendency towards the independence of the British North American colonies; but there is certainly no reason to believe that the separation will be other than amicable; at all events, he must be ignorant indeed of the state of the colonies in question, to suppose they are so fond of resistance as to take up the cudgels for the slave-holders of Jamaica. Upper Canada, in fact, furnishes an argument which "B." little dreams of against the reiterated assertions of slave-holders, "that the negro will not work for hire unless compelled; and that, if emancipated, he would work only just so much as would produce sufficient for his daily wants." At and about the southern extremity of Upper Canada, tobacco is cultivated by runaway slaves from the

United States, who work for hire-save moneyoperated upon by all the motives which influence take land, and show themselves capable of being the conduct of free men of fairer skin when placed in the same position. I need not tell" B." that runaway slaves are those who are least likely to work most likely to make evidence for the slave-holder's position.

To conclude: If "B." and the slave-holders

of Jamaica will take the advice of one who knows the Canadas well, they will cease to count upon the alliance of those colonies in any act of resist ance they may contemplate.

Jan. 5.

I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
AN ANGLO-CANADIAN.

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