and all their children were born, with its machicollated tower at one corner, its front of stone, its back of brick, and deep moat all round it,-is not infinitely preferable to any new structure, however elegant, which the most skilful architect could build on the hill beside it. They cannot understand why they should renounce the shelter of their old oaks, to seek the protection of miserable plantations of Scotch firs and larches: they like the low, cramped, lumbering rooms, hung round with the family pictures, which seem to perpetuate the presence of those, before whom they would blush to do what is mean or dishonourable, infinitely better than the spacious and well-proportioned halls and drawing-rooms, which foreign builders have set up to exhibit large mirrors of plate glass, and make their old ancestors look small. There has always been some defect in every new house which they have visited, for which no beauty of exterior proportion, or splendour of internal decoration could compensate; and whenever they have ventured abroad, they have found cause, amidst the glare and glitter of foreign finery, to feel the justice of the encomiums lavished by foreigners on their own home; to regret the warm, comfortable, and commodious habitation in which they grew up from infancy to manhood, and which they still hope, notwithstanding the bold threats of agitators and incendiaries, to leave in good repair to their descendants. Above all things, they cannot reconcile to their conscience, that any member of their family, who may be singular in his religious opinions, should employ the natural influence which he possesses to disturb the peace of mind and unsuspecting piety of the household. Indifference to religious doctrine seems to them little better than infidelity. What the wise and learned and virtuous for many ages have believed, they are determined to hold fast, and they will not willingly appropriate any portion of their income to erect a chapel in the great hall, for the accommodation of the few domestics who have detected heresy in the parish pulpit.

To these opinions a great majority of the people of England are attached. Men, however, of large and comprehensive intelligence, who view the interests of their country from an eminence, unattainable to minds of ordinary stature, see much to deplore in the unrestrained influence of these antique and yet commendable prejudices. To them it appears, that the dangers apprehended from partial improvements, may be obviated by a skilful survey

before they are attempted; that in widening the windows, or adding to the rooms of the old castle, as the wants or convenience of the family, or even the fashion of the day, may dictate, is, in truth, doing no more than was done in the reigns of Elizabeth, of Charles, and of William; and they would mitigate too jealous an attachment to one particular form of Divine worship, by calling history to witness the evils resulting from the conflicts of religious bigotry with religious enthusiasm, and the shame and discredit which they have thrown on our common Christianity.

155

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

(1830.)*

THE first objection to the continuance of the Duke of Wellington at the head of the administration is, that the peculiar nature of the occupations of the greater portion of his life unfit him for the office. "It is ridiculous," we are told, "for a general officer to pretend to preside over the complex details of the government, law, commerce, and finance of this extensive empire; a lawyer might as well assume the conduct of a siege, or the disposition of troops for a general engagement, as a soldier hope to escape the pit-falls in Downing-street, the Bank, the Exchange, and Westminster Hall. That this must have been the Duke's own opinion three years ago is probable, from his avowal that he would be worse than a lunatic to think of being minister; that, at all events, other persons thought so, and had it not been for the peculiar antipathies of his late Majesty, and the indulgent forbearance of the Whig leaders, he would, long ago, have obtained his furlough."

With great submission to the propounders of this notable objection, the notion in which it originates is excessively silly. When something of the sort was objected to the Duke, during the few first months of his administration, it was met by a very pithy remark from one of the members for Hull, that soldiers were at least as competent to govern a country, as men who have spent half their lives in a counting-house, or an apothecary's shop, to whom, however, nothing in law, politics, finance, or legislation, seems too abstruse for their comprehension. What peculiar facilities, the "rabbit breeding," as it was once called, of a lawyer's life, may afford for becoming an adept in all sciences except the art military, we don't pretend to know; and, as to the lordlings who never see anything of the real business of life, but a mere glimpse from the windows of their fathers' drawing-rooms, to speculate on their innate capabilities for office, is surely superfluous. Yet Mr. Pitt was only twentytwo when he became Chancellor of the Exchequer; Lord Henry Petty not much older when he donned "Pitt's * Ante, p. 152, note.

chequer robe," nor Lord Castlereagh when he carried the Union; Mr. Windham was a Norfolk farmer; Mr. Perceval but a chancery barrister; Mr. Brougham no doubt thinks himself competent to any thing; and who should question the abilities of the Maberlys, the Grahams, and the Humes? The duties of government are such as to render every description of knowledge conducive to their efficient discharge, but that knowledge more especially which is acquired by much intercourse with men and large experience of their conduct in great affairs. Protesting, therefore, against the supposition, that professional employments generally have an inevitable tendency to disqualify a man, otherwise competent, for office, is there any thing in military life which should make it an exception? Backed by all the history of ancient and of modern states, and cheered by the memory of half the names which still retain sufficient buoyancy to float upon the stream of time, we fearlessly reject the presumption! War waged on the gigantic scale of operations which it has been the fortune of the Duke of Wellington to conduct,—demanding an extensive knowledge of the settled policy of courts and the resources of nations, -involving the fate of empires and of dynasties in all parts of the world,―necessitating an intimate acquaintance with the peculiar usages and modes of life of numerous classes of our species,-of the adaptation of existing institutions to them, as well as with that beautiful monument of human reason, the code by which friendly states are bound in mutual respect and confidence together,-opens a wide field for the acquisition of all the higher qualities of a statesman. He had no mean knowledge of mankind and of human affairs, who, when he wished to pourtray the wisest of his age and country, represented him as one who had observed the manners of many tribes, and visited the cities of many countries. Mores hominum multorum vidit et urbes, is the neat summary of that man's opportunities. It may surely be well applied to the Duke of Wellington; nor does the superintendance of the commissariat of such an army as he led in an uninterrupted career of victory from Lisbon to Paris, afford facilities for investigating the intricate machinery of money transactions so mean as our civilians imagine.

"Tali me dignor honore," goes a great way with men of little minds; but the truth is, that there is no man in the United Empire, not one, whose means of information on all the important questions which are likely to engage the attention of Parliament, are comparable to those which his

Grace has enjoyed. On what ground it should be imputed to him, that he is less conversant with those departments of public business which are more intimately connected with the commercial prosperity of the country, than those who have preceded him, or can hope to supplant him, it is difficult to conjecture. He has received deputations from all our leading interests on matters connected with our commerce, our colonies, our manufactures, our finance, without awakening the distrust of those whose interests were involved in their discussion. Were Lord Liverpool or Mr. Canning lawyers? Had Mr. Perceval much experience in finance? or Lord Lansdowne at the Home Office? Had they proved that Lord Lyndhurst was ignorant of law, Lord Aberdeen of foreign affairs, Sir Robert Peel of the matters more especially under his cognizance as Home Secretary, Lord Melville incompetent at the Admiralty, and the President for the Commissioners of the affairs of India, to the control of those who, since the statute 26 Geo. III. have been the real ministers of that vast dependency,something like a case would have been made against the present Administration; but to say that their chief is not an encyclopædia of political, legal, and financial knowledge, is merely to affirm what might be predicated of every minister that ever lived in this or other countries. The fact, however, is, as all who are acquainted with the Duke of Wellington, and particularly the members of the Liverpool Cabinet are perfectly well apprised, that his Grace adds to an almost intuitive quickness of perception, a habit of accurate observation, which has enabled him to turn unbounded opportunities of acquiring knowledge to the utmost account; and that, besides a very clear insight into what may be termed the domestic concerns of the British Empire, he possesses a more intimate acquaintance with colonial affairs, and our relations with foreign nations, than any statesman of the present day.

It is next objected that the ministry is divested of aristocratic support, and resisted by all the great houses of England. In proof of this position, the division on the Galway franchise bill is adduced, a question involving no principle which could put the strength of parties to the test, and than which none more unfortunate could be selected as a criterion of political connexions. Was the Duke beaten in the debates on the distress of the country, at the commencement of the session? Were the divisions on the affairs of Greece and Portugal, and Terceira, against him? "Oh, but the support thus tendered to him in the Lords was casual and unexpected. If persons were