Sierra Leone White Paper.*

THIS Compilation of official correspondence upon Domestic Slavery in the Sierra Leone Protectorate is valuable as containing the story of the events which led up to the last year's Ordinance for the abolition of the legal status of Slavery. It begins with a request from the League of Nations, in 1923, forwarded by the Secretary of State to the Governor of Sierra Leone for information as to the means taken to secure the suppression of slavery, which was answered by long and important despatches from the Government, reviewing the history of the subject and making recommendations. For some years legislation had been in contemplation for the extinction of slavery in the Protectorate, Mr. Wilkinson, then Governor, having advised it in 1919, when the subject was discussed by him with Lord Milner, and he recommended "a voluntary and gradual registration of persons in servitude." A somewhat different view was expressed by Dr. Maxwell, the Acting-Governor, who in 1921 recommended abolition as an important economic measure, which would lead to an increase in the number of workers and the production of wealth, but pointed out that a general registration would be an elaborate business, requiring an European staff, and postponing the reform for a generation.

The Governor's despatch gave full details of the previous legislation on the subject, and the present legal position in Sierra Leone (the main. point being that, so far, the legal status of slavery had not been abolished), which was compared with that in other British Colonies in West Africa and with French West Africa. In Sir R. Slater's opinion the system was still firmly established in the life of the people, but most political officers felt that the ambiguous nature of the local law was difficult to reconcile with the traditional British attitude towards slavery.

On the other hand, he said that there was no public opinion in Sierra Leone, even amongst Churches and Missions, against the system, so far as he was aware. In view of the opinion of the Colonial Secretary and the Provincial Commissioners, the Governor was emphatically of the opinion that while abolition of domestic slavery should be accelerated, it was not desirable or politic to declare immediate emancipation, but that all persons brought into the Protectorate should be declared to be free. Correspondence with the Foreign Office followed, and a Bill, authorised by the Government, was passed in 1926, declaring that all persons born or brought into the Protectorate were free, that all slaves should become free on the death of their masters, and no claims should be entertained in any of the Courts.

Then followed the Judgment of the Full Court, in the case of two slave-owners who applied for the return of their runaway slaves, the majority of the Court being of the opinion that masters were entitled to reclaim them. As is now well-known, the Government took prompt

* Cmd. 3020. Price is. 3d.

steps to put the matter right, by introducing new legislation, which was quickly passed through the Legislative Council, and the Act of last year plainly declared the legal status of slavery to be abolished throughout the Protectorate as from January 1st, 1928.

The volume closes with an interesting Memorandum by the AttorneyGeneral, explaining the circumstances in which the Ordinance, which was passed unanimously, was brought in. To abolish the legal status of slavery was, he wrote, "tantamount to making all slaves legally free." The question of compensation had been raised, but was successfully rebutted.

The Aborigines of Australia.

EARLY in the year information was received from a member of our Committee, the Rev. C. E. C. Lefroy, who wrote from Perth, Western Australia, giving important information upon this question. Mr. Lefroy stated that a great advance was being made with the scheme which he originated sixteen years ago, for bringing all the aborigines under the control of the Commonwealth Government as a national responsibility. He wrote that he and the Chief Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia had given evidence before the Federal Constitutional Commission in Perth, in favour of the proposal for nationalisation, which was accepted by the Australian Board of Missions and seemed likely to be adopted. Mr. Lefroy reached home in due course, and reported to the March Committee in favour of adopting this proposal and of urging it upon the High Commissioner in London and the Agents-General, and the Premier of the Commonwealth. The difficulty hitherto has been that the Constitution expressly restricts all action with regard to the aborigines to the several States, the result of which is a deadlock. It is believed that there is not likely to be serious opposition to the proposal from the State Governors. A resolution was accordingly passed by our Committee, in the following terms, and a letter was addressed to the High Commissioner. The text of this follows, as well as that of the Memorandum forwarded at the same time. In the opinion of the Committee it is now thought better to urge this proposal rather than press any further for the appointment of a special Commission.

RESOLUTION.

That the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society is glad to learn that there is a growing movement in Australia in favour of making all Australian aborigines a single national responsibility under the care of the Commonwealth. The Society, therefore, earnestly hopes that the Commonwealth Government and all the State Governments of Australia and Tasmania will give this policy their immediate and closest attention and support.

6th March, 1928.

To:-MAJOR-GENERAL SIR GRANVILLE RYRIE, K.C.M.G., C.B.,

HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA. SIR,-In December last you were good enough to receive a small deputation from the Committee of this Society, on the subject of the Australian aborigines, when we presented a Memorial which you promised to place before your Government. I have now to inform you, on behalf of my Committee, that it has given further consideration to the question, and has received a report from one of its members, the Rev. C. E. C. Lefroy, after a recent visit to Western Australia, who, we understand, has himself had the privilege of an interview with you upon this matter. In July last, you kindly wrote that you would be pleased to send out to Australia any further representations that the Society might wish to make. I beg, therefore, to submit the enclosed statement, and a copy of a resolution passed at the last meeting of our Committee, and to ask whether you would feel able to submit this to the Agents-General, and then to make. representations in the sense of the Resolution to the Prime Minister of the Commonwealth. My Committee would be glad to know, if you do not feel able to submit this to the Agents-General yourself, whether you. would see any objection to our sending a copy to each of them?

I have, etc.,

TRAVERS BUXTON,

Hon. Secretary.

STATEMENT.

The murder and burning of a number of defenceless natives in the Northern part of West Australia-fully confirmed by the Royal Commission which enquired into the matter last year-has created a wide-spread public desire in Australia to raise the whole native question to a higher platform of national responsibility than it has ever occupied hitherto. Opinion among Federal and State legislators and officials, in the various Churches, and in the public Press, is now moving steadily in the direction of making all the surviving aborigines-probably not fewer than 70,000 in numbera single grave national responsibility under the care of the Federal Government. The Maoris have been made a national responsibility in New Zealand-and likewise the five or six million natives in the Union of South Africa. But up to the present time the responsibility for the Australian aborigines has been divided up between the various Australian States and each State concerned has kept the native question in the political background—and has been very jealous of any interference from the other States. The consequence has been that the bulk of the people in Australia, living as they do in or near the Capital Cities in the South, have been hardly aware of the existence, across the Northern part of the Continent, of so many survivors of the race which their immediate forefathers have so largely dispossessed. Up to the present time Australia as

a whole has not manifested a feeling of national responsibility towards its aborigines. Now, however, there is good reason to believe that a national conscience is being awakened. Quite obviously that national conscience will be able to work most effectively through the Central Government. If only the proposed "nationalisation" can be carried through, Australia will not be long in framing and putting into operation a native policy of preservation and uplift, worthy of its status as a nation.

QUEENSLAND ABORIGINALS.

The chief feature that once more emerges in this Annual Report for 1926, is that, when properly cared for and trained, the aboriginal is capable of becoming a healthy, self-respecting and useful member of the community. The Reports from the three Government Settlements and the eleven Mission Stations show that on them serious crime is unknown, and that there is very little serious misconduct.

"On all missions, encouraging progress is being made in the betterment of the conditions of life. Naturally, the greatest success is achieved with the generation born and brought up on, or, at least, transferred to the settlement while still at the plastic age. These can be educated and trained to the settled home life, and, as they mature, take their allotted places in the community." Among social improvements, the value of neat, well-kept villages, with gardens, is emphasised as leading to clean homes, simple and tastefully furnished and decorated. The girls are trained in domestic science, thus fitting them for domestic service, for which they are in great demand, especially in country districts, where their conduct is found, on the whole, very satisfactory.

Recreation in the settlements takes the form of cricket and football, tennis and aquatic sports, which are of considerable value, not only in reducing gambling and other evils, but in fostering " the true team spirit."

There was no lack of employment either on the land or in the fishing industry. For the latter, new regulations were framed during the year, "introducing some much-needed and drastic reforms," which were generally well observed by employers. The report of the working of the native company boats in the Trochus shell industry was a highly satisfactory one, there being an increase on the highest annual amount previously recorded of £935 on the catch. The total wages banked exceeded last year's figures by over £8,000, and as the workers drew from 25 per cent. to 75 per cent. in pocket money, it might be said that this only represented, say, 60 per cent. of their actual earnings. Thus they are learning to understand and benefit from the system of Savings Bank Trust Accounts.

Offences by aboriginals (mainly drunkenness and desertion from employment) numbered fifty-two, about the same as last year, whilst convictions for offences against them only reached half of those registered in 1925, owing, doubtless, the report says, to police vigilance.

The number of the population remained at approximately the same figure as last year,-17,651, of whom 4,047 were half-castes.

The following extract from the Australian Board of Missions Review, relating to Torres Strait is of interest in this connection :

"Much is written concerning the declining birthrate amongst natives.' At one island in the Strait, where a native deacon is in charge of the school, and also assists the councillors in making up registration forms of births and deaths, three men came the other day to record the birth of their infants. In noting the particulars required concerning other members of the family, it was elicited that one was the happy father of eleven children, another had eight and the third seven. Large families are now the general thing in the islands."

The Native in Parliament.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

SOUTHERN RHODESIA (NATIVE Control BILL).

Mr. PETHICK-LAWRENCE raised this question on the adjournment of the House on the 20th December. He referred to the special position of the Southern Rhodesia Government, due to the fact that certain questions were reserved for the consideration of the Imperial Government, namely, those which dealt differentially with natives, as distinct from Europeans. Mr. Baldwin had already told the House that the Bill had been reserved for further consideration of the Imperial Government, and that correspondence was proceeding. Mr. Pethick-Lawrence said that the Bill contained new provisions of a very special kind, as it created new offences hitherto unknown to British law, and gave new powers to certain individuals, containing entirely fresh ideas of justice unknown to British principle before. He referred especially to Clauses 52 and 53, according to which the Chief Headman or any native might be found guilty of "insolence or contemptuous behaviour towards Government officials." This, he said, was a very novel-and also a very vague and loose offence, under which people might be convicted of crime, who were not deserving of such treatment. Again under Clause 41, any native messenger who committed any act or tried to disseminate any false report calculated to cause unrest among natives should be deemed guilty of an offence. Under this Clause a native messenger might become undesignedly liable to punishment. Such punishment was either fine or imprisonment; the amount of the maximum fine, £10 or £20, was a large sum for a South African native, and the alternative was imprisonment for six months. Mr. PethickLawrence also referred to the penalty of whipping, to which boys under 16 were liable, as a very dangerous practice. He continued:

It is appointed that native commissioners can try offences committed against themselves. they can be prosecutors, jury and judge all at the same time, and I venture to think that that is a great departure from the principle of