tude on public grounds, but a debt of strict justice as well-did I not express my deep sense of the public virtue, no less than the great capacity and the high moral courage which my right honourable friend at the head of the Government has exhibited in dealing with this question. He cast away all personal and private considerations of what description soever, and, studiously disregarding his own interest in every stage and step of his progress, he has given up what to a political leader is the most enviable of all positions,—the calm, unquestioned, undivided support of Parliament; he has exposed himself to the frenzy of the most tempest-troubled sea that the political world in our days perhaps ever exhibited. He has given up what to an ambitious man is much-the security of his power; he has given up what to a calculating man is much-influence and authority with his party; he has given up what to an amiable man is much indeed -private friendships and party connexions; and all these sacrifices he has voluntarily encountered, in order to discharge what (be he right or be he wrong) he deemed a great public duty. He in these circumstances-be in this proud position-may well scorn the sordid attacks, the wretched ribaldry with which he is out of doors assailed, because he knows that he has entitled himself to the gratitude of his country, and will leave-as I in my conscience believe his name to after ages as one of the greatest and most disinterested Ministers that ever wielded the destinies of this country." The second reading was carried by a majority of fortyseven, and thereby the principle of Free Trade was for ever established in England, ere long to spread over the globe. CHAP. VII. A.D. 1846. The bill having passed both Houses and received the royal Peel's approaching assent, Peel only looked for the first opportunity of de- d. cently retiring. It was rumoured that Brougham advised him to remain, offering to "stand by him," but I have no sufficient authority for this statement, which may have originated merely from the notion of what was probable. Although Peel's character afterwards rose very much in public estimation from experience of the good consequences of his policy, and from his violent and sudden death,† * 86 Hansard, 1176. The subsequent discussions on the bill were very prolix and very uninteresting. The fame with posterity of a man's actions during his life depends much upon the time and manner of his death. If Peel had lived on in the common routine of parliamentary warfare, and died of old age, he would have had no СНАР. he was not at this time by any means generally popular Not only was he odious to the landed interest, but th A.D. 1846, sudden wheel which he made on the question of the c laws after that which he had made on Catholic Emancipa tion-lowered him much in the estimation of many dispa sionate persons, who thought that if he had sincerely changed his opinions upon such important measures, le ought to have resigned and allowed them to be carried by the party which had always supported them. He discovered even that many of his own subordinates now looked upor him very coolly, complaining that he had encouraged then at the last general election to advocate "Protection" when he had resolved to abolish the corn laws, and that to grati his fantasy they were all now about to be thrown destitute upon the wide world, whereas they might all have remained comfortably in office for many years to come. Therefore, although he had once hoped to establish Free Trade and to remain Minister, he was now fully aware of his true situation, and he felt that not only was there a majority against him in the present Parliament, but that upon a dissolution this majority would very probably be increased. Irish Coer cion Bill Peel's coup de grace. His next measure pressed in the House of Commons was an Irish Coercion Bill, which had passed the Lords though opposed by the Whigs, Brougham shunning all the discussions upon it. The Tory Protectionists might rather have been expected to support it, "For Tories know no argument but force." On the contrary, they were impatient to throw it out. The struggle took place on the second reading. The amendment that the bill be read a second time that day six months was taken as a vote of "want of confidence," and after a debate 25th June. of six nights the amendment was carried by a majority of seventy-three.* Restoration of the Whigs. A declaration to both Houses of the resignation of Ministers statues erected to his memory. Had Louis Philippe fallen fighting in the insurrection of 1848, he would have been reckoned a great sovereign. Melbourne would have stood much better in history if he had died the day he resigned in 1841, instead of languishing several years a paralytic. * 87 Hansard, 1027. VII. immediately followed, and Brougham had the mortification to СНАР. see a purely Whig Government re-established with Lord John Russell as Prime Minister. However, I must do my A.D. 1846. noble and learned friend the justice to say that he bore the reverse with apparent good humour. On the day when the 6th July. new Ministers were installed he very courteously congratulated me on my elevation to the Cabinet as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, telling me I should now have ample opportunity of seeing "quantulâ sapientiâ regatur mundus." Hitherto Brougham had never sat on the same side of the house with the Tories; but the Whigs now taking possession of the Ministerial benches on the right of the throne, he did not go over with us, and as he remained behind on the Opposition side, he might at last have truly said in defence of his consistency, "the Tories have come over to me." The new Government tested its strength by a Free Trade Sugar Bill, making no distinction as to import duties between free-grown sugar and slave-grown sugar. This the Protectionists, headed by Brougham, violently opposed under pretence of an anxiety to put down slavery; but the bill was carried by a large majority,* and the session closed with auspicious prospects for the Russell Administration. * 88 Hansard, 467, 468. Close of the Session of 1846. VOL. VIII. 2 N CHAPTER VIII. CHAP. leader of 1847-1852. WHEN Parliament met in the beginning of the following year, Brougham boldly and openly avowed himself a leader A.D. 1847. of the Opposition. He took part among the Protectionists in Brougham a line, fronting the Ministerialists, whom he was assailing. Opposition. When I congratulated Lord Stanley upon this accession to his ranks, I warned him against the expectation of finding the recruit well disciplined, and advised him to be contented if he had the "irregular services of a Cossack." No one understood him better than Stanley, who was well pleased while in opposition to court him by all reasonable compliances, but was always cautious not to form any liaison with him which might be embarrassing when the time should come for forming a new Government. Combined attack of Brougham on the Brougham was exceedingly active during the whole of this session, but he could do no effectual injury to the Government; for as the Peelite peers hated Protectionists more than Whigs, we could command a majority on every division. I now avoided personal altercations with my "noble and learned friend," and handed him over to the new Lord Grey become a member of the Upper House and Colonial Secretary-who still fostering the notion that Brougham, when Chancellor, had behaved treacherously to the illustrious author of the Reform Bill, took great delight in any favourable opportunity for attacking him. I was obliged, however, to enter the lists when Stanley and Brougham combined against me respecting the appointand Stanley ment of four extraordinary members of the Council of the Chancellor Duchy of Lancaster. I successfully turned the matter into ridicule, and said that I wanted assistance to manage the Duchy of Lancaster, agricultural affairs of the Duchy, for here I was as ignorant of the VIII. as my noble and learned friend, who, when the famous Mr. CHAP. Coke (afterwards Earl of Leicester) showed him a luxuriant field of drilled wheat, exclaimed, "What beautiful lavender A.D. 1847. you raise in Norfolk." Brougham renewed the laughter against himself by asserting that he was well acquainted with the difference between wheat and lavender, and that the story was a weak invention of the enemy. of Factions eden House. To make it all up I invited him and Stanley to dine with Dinner to me, that I might introduce them to the new Councillors the Heads of the Duchy. They very good-naturedly accepted, and, at Strathmeeting likewise Lord John Russell, Lyndhurst, and several other leaders of contending factions, we made a "happy family," and had a very merry evening. During a lamentation upon the usual dullness of the House of Lords, Brougham rather took this as a reflection upon himself, who was the most constant performer there, and he declared that he had made better speeches in the House of Lords than he had ever made in the House of Commons. I could only compare him to Milton, who preferred Paradise Regained' to 'Paradise Lost.' failure in A few days before the prorogation he made a very long 23rd July. and elaborate, but very unsuccessful speech, taking a review Brougham's of the session, in imitation of Lyndhurst. He first heavily attempting blamed Ministers for all they had done, and much which they had omitted to do in the Upper House. He then descended into the inferior region of the House of Commons, quoting sion. the well-known lines:: "Ibant obscuri solâ sub nocte per umbram, Perque domos Ditis vacuas, et inania regna." Where nothing could be seen but the ghosts of slaughtered bills "Impositique rogis juvenes ante ora parentum." He concluded by expressing a hope of better things from the approaching dissolution and general election. "When the Parliament was again restored to its functions, he trusted he should never again have to witness or to lament over the history of such a Session-a Session disheartening and disappointing to the people; ruinous to the character of the Government; injurious even to the Constitution, and damaging beyond to imitate Lyndhurst in a review of the Ses |