Floyd, and to esteem his character as equal to that of any other gentleman of the house of representatives. But he wants not our endorse. iment on his good name.

TO THE EDITORS OF THE ENQUIRER.

New Berne, Virginia, Aug. 14, 1822. GENTLEMEN: I am induced to write to you, impelled by the numerous editorial remarks which have issued from different parts of the union, relating to the controversy between Messrs. Russell and Adams, involving me in a greater or less de. gree; but more particularly from the unwarrant. able assertions of Mr. Adams throughout his re. joinder.

me; but, since he has thought proper to do so, I must defend myself.

Whatever a secretary shall say of me, I think it but right to hold him responsible; nor will i consent that he shall ransack his department to find a clerk to prop his desires by a certificate.So far as it regards myself, I must protest against the certificates of clerks, who depend, for their daily bread, upon the capricious smiles of a secre tary of a department. I do not wish to be understood as making any remark upon Mr. Adams' certifying clerks. It is possible they may be respectable, I know nothing of them; nor can I, consistent with my own self-approbation, know any body but Mr. Adams, who, I presume, having reliance, and regardless of feelings or opinions, boldly and confidently reiterates, in his rejoinder, that Mr. Russell procured me to subserve his purposes, and make the call in the house, which I did make; which assertion I, unequivocally, pronounce to be utterly destitute of that verity, which ought always to characterize assertions made to the pub

On entering into public life, I formed a plan from which I determined never to depart, unless for the strongest reasons; and, I assure you, it is with pain and regret, I now deviate from that plan. When any thing occurs in my public conduct, if it concerns myself alone, I have been content to rest my claims to justice upon the decision of those with whom I act, entirely regardless whether the newspapers, or reporters to newspa-lic. pers, either misunderstand me, misrepresent me, or do not hear me.

In the commencement of this affair, I was not a Tittle auprised to see the editorial remarks of the Weekly Register, in concluding the publication of the president's message with the letters of Mr. Russell and Mr. Adams, subjecting me to imputations of "electioneering views" and the "getting up" this business: My surprise was not lessened to find any thing in my course liable to such im putations, as I have always felt the most perfect confidence in the correctness of my course: though I have too high and opinion of the correctness and integrity of the Weekly Register to believe these remarks were intended for any other purpose than to give an honest opinion of the transaction as it appeared to him.

With these feelings, as soon as I recovered from a severe illness, under which I was laboring when the Register was received, I wrote a statement of I the whole matter, to the editor of that paper, whose independent republican course has impress ed me with the most favorable sentiments of his rectitude and ability;-but, thinking there would be an end to the affair very soon, and that oppor tunities might offer elsewhere, of doing myself justice, I yielded to the suggestion of a friend in withholding it: nor, do I think the necessity would now exist, had the whole of the debate been pub. lished which took place in the house of representatives, upon the adoption of Mr. Fuller's resolution, making the final call upon the president for the papers; which now appears to have been done at the instance of Mr. Adams himself.

There is certainly something very singular in this affair, that Mr. Adams, who has labored with so much zeal and perseverance to impress the na. tion with the belief that Mr. Russell is not correct in his statements, should, nevertheless, as zealously adhere to declarations equally injurious, and unfounded, as it regards myself; to the end, it is presumed, to justify his own conduct in procuring Mr. Fuller to make the call which I had desisted from, and which it seems was so desirable to him, as a mean of getting into the newspapers-this, 100, after Mr. Russell had said he knew nothing of my intention of making the request I did

make.

Mr. Adams, I had believed, was too well acquainted with etiquette, to leave his lawful game to send a shaft at me, however he might feel towards

The story is briefly this:

Last winter was a year, at my lodgings, in conversation with some of my friends, we were discussing the advantages of the occupation of the Oregon, or Columbia river, the value of the fur trade of our western rivers, the wealth to be derived from that trade in the Canton market, and the practicability of supplying the valley of the Mississippi with the manufactures of China by that route: when one gentlemen observed, that the Mississippi had been discussed at Ghent, and, from the character of the gentlemen engaged in it, there was a strong probability that, if I had that correspondence, I would obtain something which might be useful to me. I had then presented to the house my report upon the occupation of that river, and would have to make an exposition of the bill when it came up for discussion. I instantly determined to make the call, as the proper mode of getting the papers: but soon found my bill for its occupation could not, from the place it held in the orders of the day, be acted upon that session; I then determined to postpone the call until the next session. Accordingly, on the 17th of January last, I requested all the papers; and, on the 23d of February, the president answered that request, taking more than a month to prepare a copy.

Mr. Adams says, after commenting upon this, that "it will be observed, that nearly two months had intervened between the report of the Ghent treaty documents to the house and this second call, which Mr. Russell has admitted was made at his suggestion."

Mr. Adams knew very well the papers were sent to the house on the 23d of February, and not only ordered to lie on the table, as he states, but likewise ordered to be printed: I had not an oppor tunity of examining them until they were printed, which would, of course, require some days. But, in that time, I had received intelligence of the afflictions of my family, and Mr. Adams does know I obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session, believing it not possible for me to return.

left the city, I believe, about the 13th of March, but my family being restored to health, I returned to Washington, and arrived on Sunday the 14th of April. I went into the house on the 15th and on the 18th submitted the second resolution, calling specifically for Mr. Russell's letter; that resolution was adopted on the 19th.

The reason of this second call was, that, on examining the papers, I could not find any thing I wanted, though I did perceive, from Mr. Russell's letter, dated the 25th of December, from Ghent, that he intended to write fully, and naturally concluded he had done so, as he was a public man and in the discharge, as I thought, of his duty; and too, expected what I wanted was contained in that let ter, to wit, touching the value of the Mississippi

river.

I will take no part in the controversy between Mr. Russell and Mr. Adams, nor would I now have written, had not Mr. Adams gone out of his way, in endeavoring to place me in an attitude, which he must know nothing but his injustice could have exhibited me in.

Jum of the house, as I had done that, which was to be used when my bill was called up.-I will say more, that if I, by any proper act, could have prevented this affair, that I would have done so; nor will I, either in public or private, refrain from commenting upon the public conduct and opinions of any public man, who may be thought, or may think himself entitled to office. My opposition has always been political, and directed by the ideas I entertain of the power which gentlemen may think themselves entitled to exercise under the constitution of the United States. I look upon that constitution as containing expressed grants of power, and cannot approve any opposite opinion.

I, as a public man, am willing to be judged by this test, and when I, or others, cannot defend their opinion, in justice to the country they ought to retire. In my public capacity I called upon the executive branch of the government for papers expressly relating to a national transaction, and for public use; and if evil has resulted, or private letters been divulged-it cannot attach to me. I am, Sirs, with great respect, your obedient servant, JOHN FLOYD.

TO THE EDITORS OF THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.

I am almost as much surprised at the memory of the friend of the National Intelligencer, as at all the rest of this affair: he has certainly reported to that paper, as far as he went, "substantially" what happened in that debate; but the surprise is, that his memory fails at the precise point where my jus. tification begins. Irecollect what was said, and made these remarks, and nearly in these words-That 1 had made the previous calls, and had not renewed it, as the letter wanted had been specifically desired and the president already knew the wishes of In the Richmond Enquirer of the 27th August, the house, and might send it if he thought proper, 1822, there is published a letter from Mr. Floyd as he was the judge of the propriety of doing so; to the editors of that paper, in which he says, that I did not think another resolution to the same ef- in my rejoinder to Mr. Russell, I boldly and confifect would be consulting the dignity of the house, dently reiterate, that Mr. Russell procured HIM and if the papers would produce misunderstanding to subserve his purposes, and make the call in the and ill blood between men high in office and pub-house, which he did make; which assertion he unelic esteem, which the president, who had the pa-quivocally pronounces to be utterly destitute of that pers, seemed to insinuate, I would not be the means verity which ought always to characterize asserof producing that evil. What I wanted was the tions made to the public. information, which I supposed the papers to con- Whoever has read the rejoinder thus referred to, tain, relative to the value of the Mississippi, which must have seen that the name of Mr. Floyd is not would, according to my view of the occupation of so much as mentioned in it. I have invariably spothe Columbia river, show the value of the trade to ken in it of the call of the house of representatives, flow in that channel, which was to connect those and have mentioned the mover of the resolution, two great rivers; and that there could not be any only to say, that, when Mr. Russell left the city, on thing difficult to comprehend in that: that, if the the fifth of May, I presumed he knew that the call president would teil the house such consequences for the letter would not be renewed by him. I have would flow from the communication, and, at the said that the call of the house of the 19th of April same time, state that copies of the papers would was made at Mr. Russell's instance or suggestion, be furnished to any gentleman at the department and that it was procured by him. My vouchers for of state, who might desire them, was a thing left this assertion are the declarations of Mr. Russell for him to justify and to reconcile-1 wished my-himself to Mr. Brent and Mr. Bailey, as attested self to be correct, and said this for my own justifi. ration, and to show my own consistency, and not the president's.

I will close these observations by observing to you, that I have seen in your paper a few days ago, the remarks contained in a Charleston journal.-I cannot divine how the writer knew I had made a motion to refer the president's communication to my committee, before it was read.-I conclude, though, it is much after the disinterestedness of the times, and that a diplomatic mission to some of the new republics may be the hoped reward of the honest exertions of the writer.-How was that fact ascertained? there is no record showing whether the motion was made before the papers were read or not-this minute fact is known to the writer so

distant from Washington, who does not even know

the part of the country I live in, as he states me to be a member from the west-it may be honest ig norance. I believe though I did make the motion to refer the papers as soon as it was ascertained what the papers related to This is every day's practice, and I have now papers referred to my committee which the house never saw, which contained information I had sought through the medi

in their statements-from the latter of which it appears how the call for Mr. Russell's letter was procured by him, namely, that Mr. Floyd, before offering the resolution, asked him for a copy of the let. ter, which Mr. Russell declined giving, telling Mr. Floyd that if he wished a copy he must move a cali for it. Mr. Floyd has not denied this to be fact. If he did deny it, the question would be upon the verity of Mr. Russell's assertion, and not of mine. With the verity which ought always to characterize assertions made to the public, I am as deeply impressed as I could be by the precept of Mr. Floyd, or by his example. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Washington, 30th August, 1822.

Servile Conspiracy in S. Carolina.

Of the following letter from the governor of the state of South Carolina, we have become accidentally possessed of a copy, without authority to pub. lish it. The subject, however, being of so pervad ing an interest, and the letter itself being a printed circular, we see no sufficient reason for withholding from our readers the information it contains: [Nat. Int.

Copy of a letter from the governor of the state of communicated were generally known to our fellow

South Carolina.

citizens on Sunday; producing a night of sleepless anxiety. But no one of the predicted (or any other) occurrences presented itself to disturb the general tranquility.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Charleston, August 10, 1822. SIR: After a prolonged and almost uninterrupted session of six weeks, the first court organized for On the 18th June ten slaves were arrested, and the trial of slaves charged with an attempt to raise on the 19th the court was organized for their trial. an insurrection in this city, was dissolved on the Investigation was retarded by the difficulty of pro20th ult. Another court was subsequently concuring authentic evidence, and it was not until the vened, and, after a session of three days, closed the 28th that the sentence of death was pronounced unpleasant investigation with which it was charged, against six of the persons charged with the offence. and adjourned on the 8th instant, sine die. Denmark Vesey, a free negro, was arrested on the 21st, and on the 22d put on his trial. Although he was unquestionably the instigator and chief of this plot, no positive proof of his guilt appeared until the 25th. This grew out of the confession of one of the convicts, and on the 27th his guilt was further established by a servant of Mr. Ferguson. The progress made, and the expectations of im. developed the plot, and produced the arrest of several others, fortunately two who were principals, Monday Gell and Gullah Jack. These, with three others, John Horry, Charles Drayton and Harry Haig, were convicted, and sentenced to die on Friday, the 12th July last; but, at the suggestion of the court that important communications were expected from them, Monday Gell, Charles Drayton and Harry Haig were respited.

During the interesting period occupied by the court first organized, the public mind was agitated by a variety of rumors, calculated to produce great excitement and alarm. These had their origin in the nature of the transaction, and the secrecy and seclusion observed in the incipient stages of the inquiry; as but few of the circumstances were known to the community, and the number appre-munity from punishment by confession, gradually hended and sentenced to the severest punishment, beyond any former example. Certainty gave place to exaggeration, and the general impression sustain ed the rumor of a very extensive conspiracy.

The effects resulting from these reports, if uncontrolled by an exhibition of facts, are too obvious to require comment. The reputation of the state must suffer abroad, and a rapid deterioration of property occur within; while suspicion and anxiety will continue long to mar the public tranquility. It The arrest of Perault, a servant of Mr. Stroheck becomes, therefore, a duty imperiously obligatory er, which took place the day previous to the reon me, to represent the occurrences as they have spite, and the general and very important discovetranspired, and thus evidence to you that the at-ries made by him, enabled the committee of vigi. tempt has not only been greatly magnified, but as lance, not only to elicit the confirmation of his soon as discovered it ceased to be dangerous,

statement from the three convicts, but to apprehend a great number of persons engaged in the plot. Among others, William Garner, reputed to be one of the principais, the only one not then apprehended.

A servant, prompted by attachment to his master, communicated to him that he had been requested to give his assent and subscribe his name to a list of persons already engaged in the conspiracy. The intendant immediately received the information, The number of persons at this period under arand caused the arrest of three slaves of Mr. Paulone of whom was subsequently identified by the rest, evinced the necessity of such arrangements of servant making the communication. The city coun- the testimony as would enable the court to progress cil was convened, and after a very close and atten. with more rapidity. This duty devolved on the tive examination, a general impression was produc- committee of vigilance: and principally from the ed that but little credence could attach to the state-general information of Perault, and of the convicts ment. A prudent caution was nevertheless exercised, and the fellow charged committed to solitary imprisonment. A few days after his confinement, he made many disclosures to a member of council, but so amplified the circumstances that the utmost credulity was requisite to the belief of his tale.

Monday Gell and Charles Drayton, facility was given to the further proceedings of the court. In the short space of seven days thirty-two negroes were convicted; twenty-two of whom were executed on on Friday, the 20th July: and within four days after, eleven others were convicted, four of whom have also been executed.

Some consternation was obviously produced amongst a few of the conspirators by the arrest of Having established the existence of a plot, and these slaves, and I cannot doubt led to a detail more the places of rendezvous, all that was deemed replausible and deserving of attention. Another ser- quisite for conviction was to prove an association vant, whose name is also concealed, from prudential with the ringleaders, and an expression of their motives, stated, generally, that such a combination assent to the measure. On such, generally, the actually existed, and mentioned the names of seve- sentence of death has been executed. Others who, ral who were most conspicuous in their exertions, without actually combining, were proved to have adding, with great confidence, that the explosion known of the conspiracy, and to have given their of their schemes would occur on the ensuing Sun- sanction by any act, have been sentenced to die, day night. This confession was given on Thursday, and their punishment commuted to banishment the 13th June, and contained the recital of several from the United States; or sentenced, in the first occurrences which would precede the attempt and instance to banishment from this state or from the evidence the intention. This suggested the pro- United States. In this manner, the whole number, priety, while it sanctioned the effort, to conceal seventy-two, have been disposed of; thirty-five from the community the intelligence thus received, executed, and thirty-seven sentenced to banishfor the intervening time-during which extensive ment. With these we may reasonably conclude and efficient preparations were made for the safety that we have reached the extremities of this conand protection of the city. Saturday night and Sun-spiracy, and this opinion, if not conclusive, is enday morning passed without the predicted demon-titled to great weight, when we advert to the exstrations; doubts were again excited, and counter traordinary measures pursued to effect the object orders issued for diminishing the guard. The facts and the motives which influenced the accused

No means which experience or ingenuity could the state arsinal is inferrible, from their being undevise were left unessayed, to eviscerate the plot. | provided with arms, and the concurrence of several In the labors of investigation, the court was preceded by a committee formed by the city council, whose intelligence, activity, and zeal, were well adapted to the arduous duties of their appoint ment. Their assiduity, aided by the various sentiments which influenced the prisoners, produced a rapid development of the plot. Several of the conmunicated by the principal conspirator to the leadspirators had entered into solemn pledges to par take of a common destiny, and one, at least, was found, who, after his arrest, felt no repugnance to enforce the obligation, by surrendering the names of his associates. A spirit of retaliation and revenge produced a similar effect with others, who suspected that they were the victims of treachery; and this principle operated with full effect, as the hope or expectation of pardon predominated. To the last hour of the existence of several, who appeared to be conspicuous actors in this drama, they were pressingly importuned to make fur

ther confessions..

witnesses. But whether the attack would be made simultaneously by various detachments, or whether the whole, embodied at a particular spot, would proceed to the accomplishment of their object, is very uncertain. Upon the whole, it is manifest that if any plan had been organized, it was never comers or the men, as they were wholly ignorant even of the places of rendezvous; although within two days of the time appointed, and but one man arrested prior to the day fixed on for the attempt. When we contrast the numbers engaged with the magnitude of the enterprize, the imputation of egregious folly or madness is irresistible: and supposing the attempt to have been predicated on the probability, that partial success would augment their numbers, the utmost presumption would scarcely have hazarded the result Servility long continued, debases the mind and abstracts it from that energy of character, which is fitted to great Among the conspirators, the most daring and exploits. It cannot be supposed, therefore, withactive was Monday, the slave of Mr. Gell Hle out a violation of the immutable laws of nature, that could read and write with facility, and thus attain a transition from slavery and degradation to authoed an extraordinary and dangerous influence over rity and power, could instantly occur. Great and his fellows. Permitted by his owner to occupy general excitement may produce extensive and a house in a central part of the city, hourly op. alarming effects; but the various passions which portunities were afforded for the exercise of his operate with powerful effect on this class of persons, skill on those, who were attracted to his shop by impart a confident assurance of detection and business or favor. It was there that his artful and defeat to every similar design. While the event insidious delusions were kept in perpetual exercise. is remote, they may listen with credulity to the Materials were abundantly furnished in the sedi- artful tale of the instigator, and concur in its plautious pamphlets brought into this state, by equally sibility; but the approach of danger will invaria culpable incendiaries; while the speeches of the bly produce treachery, the concomitant of dastardoppositionists in congress to the admission of Misly dispositions. In the fidelity and attachment of a souri, gave a serious and imposing effect to his ma- numerous class of these persons, we have other chinations. This man wrote to Boyer (by his own sources of security and early information; from both confession) requesting his aid, and addressed the of which, it is reasonable to conclude, that, in proenvelope of his letter to a relative of the person portion to the number engaged, will be the certainwho became the bearer of it, a negro from one of ty of detection; and that an extensive conspiracy the northern states. He was the only person prov- cannot be matured in this state. ed to have kept a list of those engaged; and the I have entered with much reluctance on this de. court considered his confession full and ample.-tail, nor would it have been considered requisite, From such means and such sources of information, but to counteract the number of gross and idle reit cannot be doubted that all who were actually ports, actively and extensively circulated, and proconcerned, have been brought to justice. There is no exception within my knowledge; it has, how. ever, been stated, that a plantation in St. John's was infected, but I do not know on what authority.

ducing a general anxiety and alarm. And, although their authors may have no evil design, and may really be under the delusion, it is easy to perceive what pernicious consequences may ensue from not applying the proper corrective. Every individual in the This plain detail of the principal incidents in this state is interested, whether in relation to his own transaction, will satisfy you that the scheme has not property, or the reputation of the state, in giving been general nor alarmingly extensive. And it no more importance to the transaction than it justly furnishes a cause for much satisfaction, that, al- merits. The legislature has wisely provided the though religion, superstition, fear, and almost every means of efficient protection. If the citizens will passion that sways the human mind, have been art-faithfully perform the duty enjoined on them by the fully used by the wicked instigators of this design, so few have been seduced from a course of propriety and obedience. Those who associated were unprovided with the means of attack or resistance. No weapons (if we except thirteen hoop-poles) have been discovered; nor any testimony received but of six pikes, that such preparations were actu. ally made. The witnesses generally agree in one fact, that the attempt was to have taken place on Sunday night the 16th June, differing a little as to the precise time; 12 o'clock appears to have been

the hour.

From the various conflicting statements made during the trials, it is difficult to form a plausible conjecture of their ultimate plans of opperation; no two agreeing on general definite principles. That the first essay would be made with clubs against

patrol laws, I fear not that we shall continue in the enjoyment of as much tranquility and safety as any state in the union.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, THO. BENNETT.

A pamphlet has also been published, under the authority of the city council of Charleston, giving a long account of the intended insurrection in that city, and detailing the facts that appeared against individuals found guilty of being engaged in it. But, perhaps, enough has been said to shew the nature and extent of the conspiracy. It appears that 131 blacks were arrested, of whom 35 were executed, 12 respited until the 25th of October, 21 sentenced to be transported out of the United States, 1 to be sent out of the state, 9 were acquit

ted, the propriety of transportation being suggested and agreed to, and 52 were acquitted and discharged.

of the gain of oppression, not to defile themselves with any profits arising from this species of injustice, we trust that we shall obtain full credit when "The following is the sentence that was pronounc- we allege, that we have no commercial or political ed on Gullah Jack, who affected great supernatu-end whatever to answer, by thus advocating the ral power by charming men and things, and declar- cause of the oppressed. We plead on the simple ing that he was invulnerable by white men, &c. but firm basis of christian principle. The court, after deliberately considering all the In common with many virtuous and benevolent circumstances of your case, are perfectly satisfied characters of our own nation, we felt it to be a of your guilt. In the prosecution of your wicked christian duty, to aid in diffusing among our feldesigns, you were not satisfied with resorting to na-low countrymen information on the horrors of the tural and ordinary means, but endeavored to enlist trade; and in soliciting our government to pass a on your behalf, all the powers of darkness, and em-law, for the termination of a commerce, at once ployed for that purpose the most disgusting mum barbarous and iniquitous. And we participated in mery and superstition. You represented yourself feelings of joy on beholding that, notwithstanding as invulnerable; that you could neither be taken there were great and numerous obstacles in the nor destroyed; that all who fought under your ban- outset, and in the progress, of this work of humaniners would be invincible. While such wretched ex- ty, the sense of the great bulk of the inhabitants pedients are calculated to inspire the confidence, or of these islands was so clearly seen and yielded to to alarm the fears of the ignorant and credulous, by our rulers, that this stain on our national characthey excite no other emotion in the mind of the ter, was ultimately effaced, in the year 1807, by an intelligent and enlightened, but contempt and dis- act of the British legislature;-many of the memgust. Your boasted charms have not protected bers of which not only acknowledge the injustice yourself, and of course could not protect others. of the trade, but nobly and successfully united their "Your altars and your Gods have sunk together in unwearied efforts to hasten its suppression. the dust." The airy spectres, conjured by you, We have rejoiced to hear that the respective have been chased away by tae special light of governments of those countries, whose subjects truth, and you stand exposed, the miserable and are still implicated in the traffic, have proceeded deluded victim of offended justice. Your days are so far as they have hitherto done towards its aboliliterally numbered. You will shortly be consigned tion; but we have learned, with deep regret and to the cold and silent grave, and all the powers of sorrow, that it is still pursued to a great and truly darkness cannot rescue you from your approaching lamentable extent, and that under circumstances of fate! Let me then, conjure you to devote the rem- aggravated cruelty, by the subjects of those very nant of your miserable existence, fleeing from the powers. We hear that numerous vessels are still "wrath to come." This can only be done by a full hovering along the shores of Africa, to procure disclosure of the truth. The court is willing to af cargoes of human beings, and transport them to ford you all the aid in their power, and to permit distant lands, whence they are designed never to any minister of the gospel, whom you may select, return. In fact we hear, and that from undoubted to have free access to you. To him you may un-authority, that the trade which the congress at Viburthen your guilty conscience. Neglect not the enna, in 1814, pronounced to be "the desolation of opportunity, for there is "no device nor art beyond Africa, the degradation of Europe, and the afflictthe tomb," to which you must shortly be consigning scourge of humanity," has been carried on with ed." increased eagerness in the course of last year.

We have some general remarks prepared on the subject, which shall be published in our next paper if convenient.

Slave Trade.

An address to the inhabitants of Europe on the ini. quity of the slave trade; issued by the religious society of Friends, commonly called Quakers, in Great

Britain and Ireland.

(Copied from a pamphlet lately published in England). Many years have now elapsed since the attention of the religious society of Friends, commonly called Quakers, was first turned to the subject of the slave trade. Such was the conviction of its iniquity, that it was felt to be a duty to represent to all in the same religious profession, the sufferings to which the natives of Africa were subjected, by be. ing forcibly torn from their native soil, and condemned to cruel bondage on a foreign shore.

It is under the influence of christian love and good will, that we are now engaged to express our interest on behalf of this injured people. In thus introducing ourselves to the notice of our continental neighbors, we feel that we need not offer any apology, considering them as our brethren, as the children of one universal parent, as fellow professors, of a belief in one and the same merciful Saviour. The same feelings which lead us to consi. der the natives of France, of Spain, of Holland, of Portugal, and of the other nations of Europe, as our brethren, induce us to extend this endearing appellation to the inhabitants of Africa. Our heavenly Father has made of one blood all nations of men that dwell upon the face of the earth; and we are all the objects of that great redemption, which comes by our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. And, although the kindreds of the earth are divided into distinct communities and nations, we are all bound one unto another by the ties of love, of brotherly kindness The society proceeded further: under a sense of and compassion. But the nations of Europe are the enormity of the crime, a regulation was made united by an additional bond. To them has been upwards of sixty years ago, which has continued granted a blessing, which has not hitherto been enin force unto the present time, that those who per-joyed by the greater part of the natives of Africa: sisted in "the unrighteous traffic in Negroes," af- this blessing, this invaluable treasure, is the bible, ter pains had been taken to convince them of their in which is contained the record of the gospel of error, should no longer be considered as its mem. bers. And as such as are in religious conuection with us, have been uniformly warned not to partake *Yearly meeting, 1761.

Christ.

Permit us then, as fellow professors of the christian name, to remind you of the complicated iniquity of the slave trade. Possessed of a superior force, which he has acquired by a greater knowledge of