MONG the subjects of proposed legislation foreshadowed in the Roval Speeen at the opening of the Session, a measure for extending the benefits of constitutional government to some of our colonial dependencies heid a prominent position. The smoject had for some time engaged pubile attention, and had been enforced on the consideration of Parliament by men whose onimons ieservedly carried great weight. It had be come the conviction of most of the leading men of all parties, that the vast communities vaich England had planted in fistant regions of the world could neither attain their fuil tevelopment, nor be led in permanent attenment to the mother country, without me concession of a larger measure of seif-government, and a mors complete realizacon of the terre sentative system. than had been hitherto accoriei a nem. Ang aron "hese princiries. Erkiestrs Ministers anneumeier intention, at the commencement of Le Session, of moeding meir views man At of Fartament arcade to the Fresa Acum se

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there were many members of that House who had applied their time and talents to the subject. He then took a retrospective view of the manner in which most of our Colonies, except the Australian, were acquired and bounded. The main object seemed to have been to send out settlers from this country, and also to maintain a strict commeral monopoiv in relation to the Colonies. At the same time it was established in various authorities, by he whole poiiew of the Marquess of Halifax. Ang James's minister, by the decision of Sir Flip Yorke on the Jamaica proclamation. v Lori Mansted's decision on the mase of the Island of Gremaia, &c. de.. that Eng

samen carry out with hem their native vots a privileges, and that the sumpie prociamaton of dose nights and pieces proDe nem ast deg taxed. except w me Inperai Facuament. or their own consent in a local assemer. From 1763 to the peace X le-1, the model of de Engisa Conscricon was not macei in respect of possessions snurai trng that perad... Lord Fan äusse et à mass of sta

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by jur decent jersinia, & pects. 2 The Pere, If the Navigon Laws xazred the noble iari, we have notre tecken down the macka af munroy; and a quesar has arsen. Whether it is

worth our while to retain our colonial empire? "I say, in the first place, with regard to this proposal, that I consider it to be our bounden duty to maintain the Colonies which have been placed under our own charge. (Loud cheers, principally from the Opposition side of the House.) I think we cannot get rid of the obligation and responsibility to govern these Colonies for their benefit; and I trust we may be the instruments of improving and civilizing those portions of the world in which they are situated. In the next place, there are many reasons why we should consider that our Colonies form part of the strength of the empire. In peace, as well as in war, their support, or the loss of it, is of great importance.

"We have also obligations to the native races; some of whom, like the natives of New Zealand, or those of Natal in South Africa, have shown a remarkable aptitude for civilization; and if they were abandoned by us, they would undoubtedly relapse into their savage habits, probably to be exterminated in a war of races. The value of our commerce, which penetrates to every part of the globe, all will admit; and many of the colonies give harbours and security to that trade, which are most useful in time of peace, but are absolutely necessary in time of war. But, abandoned by us, many of our Colonies would be unable to maintain independence. Mauritius would recur to France, the Cape of Good Hope to Holland.

"Another scheme which has been proposed is that the colonial legislature should be free with respect to local laws, while the imperial sanction should be required for other laws. But I believe that

Coming to the question of constitution and government, Lord J. Russell referred to the declaration issued by the Council of the Colonial Reform Society, including twelve or fourteen Members of that House and three or four Peers. "I think the course taken by these gentlemen, of forming themselves into an association, and corresponding with the Colonies, is a measure of very dubious policy." (Cries of "Hear, hear.") The Council claimed self-government for the North American Colonies, the South African Colonies, the Australian Colonies, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand. Lord John considered these in the order named. With regard to Canada, he sketched the history of the responsible government established there; and maintained that, with respect to that Colony, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, the practice of administration had been very closely approximated to the constitutional practice of this country. "With respect to Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, the principle which these gentlemen wish to have carried into execution has been carried into effect; and I should say that the consequence has been, and must be, that there have been far fewer questions brought before the Secretary of State than there used to be. In regard to many questions of official conduct or misconduct, with regard to many local affairs in which it could be nothing but a difficulty and embarrassment for the Colo

nial Sermary to te alei mon 23 decade, be sac & WEL. SET ** i ne pre: se Gregg shenj in de them if he thinks they are of przez. The govemment is 123ned on, therefore, with less resin to this country than used to be the

In regard to the Cape of Good Hope, Government had me to the decision that representative institutions should be introdued "A Representative Assembly will be chosen by persons having a certain amount of property and qualified in the manner which has been specified. But a question arose as to the formation of what is called the Legislative Council; and, upon the whole, Her Majesty's Government came to the opinion that, instead of imitating the constitution of Jamaica or that of Canada, it would be advisable to introduce into the Cape of Good Hope a Council which should be elective, but elected by persons having a considerably higher qualification than those who are the choosers of the Representative Assembly. These, it was considered, might be persons who had been named by the Crown as persons of weight and influence, as magistrates and others, persons who had been selected by Municipal Councils as persons entitled to the highest offices which they could confor. It is proposed that the Representative Assembly should have a duration of five years, and the Legislative Council a duration of ten years, but half of the members to be elected at the expiration of five years. Something like a constitution of this kind, though difloring in some very remarkable particulars, is now in ope ration in Belgium, where, instead

if a bear Comel there is £1. euertite Codaci, which I think has a duration of eight years, but half being elected at the expiraace of every for years. Of course, this experiment is new, ai z vodld be presumptuous to sy that will entirely succeed; but the order in Council having been passed for the purpose of its general introduction, that order and the instructions founded thereupon will be sent out to the Cape, and any amendments with regard to the details which have been settled here may be consiiered at the Cape before the measure obtains its final sanction."

In regard to Australia, the Bill which he introduced was nearly the same as that of last year. “It goes not on the principle of having a Council and Assembly, in imitation of the Government of this country, which has been usually the form most palatable and popular in our Colonies; but it is proposed that there should be but one Council-a Council of which two-thirds shall be formed of representatives elected by the people and one-third named by the Governor. The reason for adopting this proposal is, that, after a great deal of deliberation, that plan was adopted some years ago, and, I think, was finally enacted by Parliament in 1842; and since that time has been found so acceptable to the people of New South Wales, that upon the whole, as far as we could ascertain their sentiments, they appear to prefer that form of popular government to that which is more in analogy with the Government of this country. ("Hear, hear!" and a cry of "No!") But when we propose that this shall be the form of government for New

South Wales, I should add, that we propose likewise to give the Colony the power of altering their own constitution in that respect; and that if it should be their opinion that they had better resort to a government by Legislative Council and Assembly, there would be no veto, no restriction on the part of the Crown, against the adoption of that course. Last year we proposed that the customs duties which now prevail in New South Wales should be enacted by Parliament for the whole of the Australian Colonies, and should be binding till they were altered by the proper authorities. We have thought that, although it is a most desirable object that the customs duties should not vary in the different Australian Colonies, it is not advisable to enact that by authority of Parliament, but that it is better to leave them to settle for themselves whether they will not adopt a similar tariff for all the various parts of Australia." The several Australian Colonies would have their own Councils. An Assembly of these Councils would have the power, on the application of two Colonies, of framing a tariff for the whole. That body would also deal with the price of waste lands, only that it would be obliged to make the price uniform for all the Australian Colonies.

In New Zealand, the establishment of representative institutions would take effect at the time already fixed by Parliament-1853.

Lord John Russell then explained the state of matters in other Colonies. In Guiana, at his suggestion, Governor Barkly had carried a considerable extension of the franchise. Lord John avowed his opinion that it is for the Co

lony, and not for this country, to determine the amount of the Governor's salary, though some amount ought to be fixed. Reductions of expenditure would be effected in Jamaica. Trinidad was inhabited by seven races, and the community was as yet unfit for popular representation; but it was proposed that there should be an elective Municipal Council at the seat of Government. In Mauritius, also, the Governor, Sir George Anderson, thought that there should be an elective Municipality; and the Governor of Malta had introduced elective members into the Council. As for the other Colonies, it was needless to go into any question of free institutions for them. Lord J. Russell did not think there was a single one beyond those named which should at present have any representative institutions.

Lord John then stated the views of Government respecting transportation. He regarded it as a subject concerning the Home Secretary far more than the Secretary for the Colonies, so far as administration was concerned. Lord Grey would be well satisfied if he were told that no more convicts would be transported; but when Lord John attempted, in 1840, to reduce the number of convicts transported, the House of Commons passed a resolution that so large a number should not be retained in this country; and the Judges declared that transportation was necessary to the general law. Lord John, however, had stopped transportation to New South Wales, which was now practically a free colony; there were only 6000 convicts among 200,000 inhabitants. The Colonial Secretary must endeavour to carry out the system of transportation so as

not to inflict injury: and the present Government had proposed that where the colonists were willing to accept of a small number of convicts, they should be sent to them; but it being always understood that convicts should not be forced on them against their will. The order for sending convicts to the Cape had been rescinded, and the transport-ship had been sent on to Van Diemen's Land. The future management of transportation was a subject not without considerable difficulty. It must be expected that there would, more and more, arise among the settled Colonies an aversion to freed or transported convicts; and the House would no doubt have to consider, before long, whether an alteration should not be made with respect to the punishment of transportation as regards some classes of offences not of the gravest character.

Lord John also stated his views on the subject of emigration. Emigration was of two kinds-to supply labour for existing colonies and fill up the interstices of society, and to found colonies where society does not already exist. He enlarged on the advantages of the spontaneous emigration to North America; in one year 1,500,000l. was raised in that way from private sources, and the abuses did not arise which would arise in any great plan carried on by Government. The rate of emigration to North America, in the last three years, had been 265,450 persons per annum; to the Australian Colonies, in the last two years, more than 18,000 a year. There were 12,000 Europeans in New Zealand. The Canterbury settlement was about to be formed there; and Lord John felt no doubt that there

would be in a very few years a large emigration to that colony, and that New Zealand would be one of the most flourishing of our dependencies.

In his peroration, Lord John Russell declared that Government must persevere in the course of free trade, which had been effected with a less painful transition than might have been anticipated; and also in the course of promoting political freedom in the Colonies, on the general rule, that while the Imperial Government is their representative as respects all foreign relations, in their domestic concerns it will interfere no further than is clearly and decidedly necessary to prevent a conflict in the State itself. The question of military force he would reserve for a future occasion. He believed that in some settlements it might be reduced; but the Colonies would look to us for defence in any foreign war, or against any foreign aggressor. He thought we were bound to give it them, and to maintain the means to give them that assistance. He believed that they might proceed on these principles without danger for the present, and without renewing in the future the errors, the repeated blunders and inconsistencies that produced the contest with the United States. He did anticipate, with others, that some of our Colonies might so grow in population and wealth that they might feel themselves strong enough to maintain their own independence in amity and alliance with England. "I do not think," concluded the noble Lord, "that that time is yet approaching. But let us make them, as far as possible, fit to govern themselves; let us give them, as far as we can, the capacity