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your Majesty's tears rather than hurt my conscience.' Soon after this conversation Randolph brought Elizabeth's message. In his account of the interview he gives a noticeable sketch of Mary Stuart's personal habits.

Active and energetic when occasion required, this all-accomplished woman abandoned herself to intervals of graceful self-indulgence. Without illness or imagination of it she would lounge for days in bed, rising only at night for dancing or music; and there she reclined with some light delicate French robe carelessly draped about her, surrounded by her ladies, her council, and her courtiers, receiving ambassadors and transacting business of State. It was in this condition that Randolph found her. She affected the utmost cordiality; she listened graciously to his communication; she professed herself grateful for Elizabeth's interest in her; she desired him to be cautious to whom he spoke, and referred him for her answer to Maitland and Murray. But with all her address she could not conceal from him that more was intended than she allowed to appear. Her want of interest in the Austrian marriage was evident, and Randolph himself feared 'she might be more Spanish than Imperial.'1 A month later John Knox had discovered the secret and made haste to tell Cecil what was impending. It was no Austrian prince on whom Mary's eyes were fixed. The King of Spain had consented to give her his son.

The Queen of France offered

1 Randolph to Cecil, September 4: Scotch MSS. Rolls House.

her the hand of Charles the Ninth.

She would take
If Don Carlos

Don Carlos if Philip kept his word. failed her she would take the French King. The majority of her council had consented to what would be their own destruction, and 'the greater part would before long draw the better after them.' The Queen of England would be amused with smooth answers; but the mask would soon be laid aside. There was still hope of the constancy of the Earl of Murray. But if Murray followed the rest 'the rage of the storm would overthrow the force of the strongest'—'all through the inordinate affection of her that was born to be a plague to the realm.' 'Thus,' Knox concluded, 'you have the plainness of my troubled heart; use it as ye will answer to God and as ye tender the commonwealth; the Eternal assist you with His Spirit.'1

In the midst of these encompassing perils

Elizabeth bore herself bravely.

The death

October.

December.

rate in London at the end of December was still two hundred a week; the country was smarting under the disaster at Havre; the French difficulty was likely to lead to a general war2 in which Spain would take part; and Mary Stuart married to a Catholic prince formed the

tween us and the French King ere it be long. God send grace that King Philip's subjects be not also our enemies, for we suspect as much.'

1 Knox to Cecil, October 5: Scotch MSS. A postscript adds 'The Inch between Leith and Kinghorn is left void. What strange fowl shall first alight there God-Francis Chaloner to Sir Thomas knoweth.'

Chaloner, December 18: Spanish

2. By many intelligences here, I MSS. Rolls House. see none other but war to ensue be

ominous centre round which the clouds were forming. Yet Elizabeth to the world appeared to be given up to amusement, caring for nothing but pleasure, and wasting her fondness upon idle and tawdry favourites. The Queen,' wrote Francis Chaloner to his brother, 'thinks of nothing but her love affairs; she spends her days with her hawks and hounds and her nights in dances and plays. Though all things go ill with England she is incapable of serious thought. The Court is as merry as if the world were at our feet; and the ingenious fool who can devise the best means of trifling away time is the man most admired and prized.'

91

Yet Elizabeth was but concealing her real nature behind a mask of levity. Her spirits rose with trouble, and her high qualities were never more thoroughly awake.

Notwithstanding the struggle in Normandy, peace still existed in name between England and France; but Catherine demanded as an indemnity for the aggression on French territory a formal surrender of the English claim on Calais. Elizabeth answered that she would brave all consequences before she would submit 'to that dishonour:'2 and a declaration of war was daily expected. Philip had offered to mediate, but with the key

1 'Regina tota amoribus dedita | qui plures nugandi modos ridiculo зst, venationibusque aucupiis choreis studio excogitaverit, quasi vir summo et rebus ludicris insumens dies noc- pretio dignus suspicitur. —Spanish tesque; nihil serio tractatur, quan- | MSS.

quam omnia adverse cedant; tamen 2 Elizabeth to Chaloner, Decem

jocamur hic, perinde ac si orbem ber, 1563: MS. Ibid. universum debellati fuerimus. Et

to Philip's policy in her hand she left him unanswered

till his ministers complained to her ambassador of her scanty courtesy;1 and then for reply she bade Chaloner tell Philip that in her past difficulties, though he had many opportunities of helping her, she had received nothing from him but 'good words :' he desired to have her at his feet, acting under his orders, and humbly petitioning for his support; but never in that position should Philip see her: she doubted whether a protracted residence of an ambassador at the Court of Spain was any longer expedient; she had half resolved to continue her diplomatic intercourse with him only through the Regent in Flanders; better an open enemy than a treacherous friend; if the worst came she could encounter it.2

In her bearing towards Mary Stuart she showed at the same time large forbearance and a clear foreseeing statesmanship. She knew the Queen of Scots' intentions beyond all uncertainty, but she still hoped to win her over to a safer course with the prospect of the succession; while Mary Stuart, on her part, would not risk a quarrel till the Spanish affair had gone further. De Quadra's death had broken the link of her com

1 Chaloner to Elizabeth, Decem- | riage between the Queen of Scots ber 19: Spanish MSS. Rolls House. and the Prince of Spain, and had 2 Elizabeth to Chaloner: MS. said positively it should never be. Ibid. 'No, no!' 'que no se hará.' It was thought, he said, that she would tempt the Queen of Scots to give it up by the largeness of her offers on the other side.—MS. Simancas.

3 Luis de Paz, who was left in charge at the Spanish embassy after de Quadra's death, wrote to Philip on the 3rd of December that Elizabeth had been speaking of the mar

munication with Philip, and since the visit of Luis de Paz she had heard no more from him.

After a delay of some weeks she had replied to Randolph's message, thanking Elizabeth for her advice; to gain time and to avoid committing herself to a refusal, she desired to be told explicitly which of the many candidates for her hand would be allowed' in England and which would not; and again with more distinctness what would be done for her if she married as Elizabeth wished.

November.

It is quite certain that the Queen of Scots had no real intention of being guided by Elizabeth. Maitland had told de Quadra that she would not marry a Protestant even if her recognition was an accomplished fact. The inquiry therefore could only have been finesse. Elizabeth, with less temptation to insincerity, replied that the principal marriage which would make all other marriages fortunate, happy, and fruitful was the conjunction of the two countries and the two Queens;' but she warned the Queen of Scots that 'whatever mountains of felicity or worldly pomp' she might promise herself by going her own way, she would find her hopes in the end deceive her; the fittest husband for her would be some English or Scottish nobleman; but if she preferred to look elsewhere all Christendom was open, excepting only-as the Queen of Scots desired her to be explicit the royal Houses of Spain, France, or Austria. A marriage into either of these could be construed only into a renewal of the schemes which she had entertained in her late marriage with the

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