2 contrary they meant nothing but what became them as loyal subjects, they said that they submitted reluctantly to her resolution to postpone the settlement of the succession, being most sorry that any manner of impediment had appeared to her Majesty so great as to stay her from proceeding in the same." They had however received a message implying 'that they had deserved to be deprived, or at least sequestrated, much to their discomfort and infamy, from their ancient and laudable custom, always from the beginning necessarily annexed to their assembly, and by her Majesty always confirmed that is, a lawful sufferance and dutiful liberty to treat and devise matters honourable to her Majesty and profitable to the realm.' Before this message reached them 'they had made no determination to deal in any way to her discontentation; they therefore besought her of her motherly love that they might continue in their course of duty, honouring and serving her like children, without any unnecessary, unaccustomed, or undeserved yoke of commandment; so should her Majesty continue the singular favour of her honour, wherein she did excel all monarchs, for ruling her subjects without misliking; and they also would enjoy the like praise above all other people for obeying without constraint-than the which 4 1 The words in Italics were added | liberties of the House of Commons by Cecil. 2 Added in Cecil's hand. 3 The word first written was graciously.' Cecil scratched through graciously,' as if it implied that the VOL. VII. depended on the pleasure of the So- 5 The conclusion is entirely Cecil's. 30 no prince could desire more earthly honour, nor no people more earthly praise.' No one knew better than Elizabeth how to withdraw from an indefensible position, and words so full of firmness and dignity might perhaps have produced an effect; but before the address could be presented a fresh apple of discord was thrown into the arena. A book had appeared in Paris, written by a refugee Scot named Patrick Adamson. The subject of it was the birth of James; and the Queen of Scots' child was described as the heir of the English throne. Copies had been scattered about London, and Elizabeth had already directed Mary Stuart's attention to the thing 'as a matter strange and not to be justified."1 On the 21st of November, on occasion of a measure laid before the House against the introduction of seditious books from abroad, a Mr Dalton brought forward this production of Adamson in the fiercest Protestant spirit. How say you,' he exclaimed, to a libel set forth in print calling the Infant of Scotland Prince of England, Scotland, and Ireland? Prince of England, Scotland, and Ireland! What enemy to the peace and quietness of the realm of England-what traitor to the crown of this realm hath devised, set forth, and published this dishonour against the Queen's most excellent Majesty and the crown of England? Prince of England, and Queen Elizabeth as yet having no child!-Prince of 1 Elizabeth to Bedford, November 13: Scotch MSS. Rolls House. What England, and the Scottish Queen's child!-Prince of Scotland and England, and Scotland before England! who ever heard or read that before this time? true English heart may sustain to hear of this villany and reproach against the Queen's Highness and this her realm? It is so that it hath pleased her Highness at this time to bar our speech; but if our mouths shall be stopped, and in the mean time such despite shall happen and pass without revenge, it will make the heart of a true Englishman break within his breast.' With the indignity of the matter being,' as he afterwards said, 'set on fire,' Dalton went on to touch. on dangerous matters, and entered on the forbidden subject of the Scottish title. The Speaker gently checked him, but not before he had uttered words which called out the whole sympathy of the Commons, and gave them an opportunity of showing how few friends in that House Mary Stuart as yet could count upon.' The story was carried to the Queen: she chose to believe that the House of Commons intended to defy her; she ordered Dalton into arrest and had him examined before the Star Chamber; she construed her own orders into a law, and seemed determined to govern the House of Commons as if it was a debating society of riotous boys. The Commons behaved with great forbearance: they replied to the seizure of the offending member by requesting to have leave to confer upon the liberties 1 Mr Dalton's Speech, according to the Report: Domestic MSS., Eliza. beth, vol. xli. of the House. The original question of the succession was lost in the larger one of privilege, and the address which they had previously drawn seemed no longer distinct enough for the occasion. The council implored Elizabeth to consider what she was doing. As soon as her anger cooled she felt herself that she had gone too far, and not caring to face a conference, 'foreseeing that thereof must needs have ensued more inconvenience than were meet,' she drew back with temper not too ruffled to save her dignity in giving way. Her intention had been to extort or demand the sanction of the House for the prosecution of Dalton, Discovering in time that if they refused she had no means of compelling them, she would not risk an open rupture. The prisoner was released without further question or trial,' and on the 25th she sent orders to the Speaker' to relieve the House of the burden of her commandment.' She had been assured, she said, that they had no intention of molesting her, and that they had been much perplexed' by the receipt of her order; she did not mean to prejudice any part of the laudable liberties heretofore granted to them;' she would therefore content herself with their obedient behaviour, and she trusted only that if any person should begin again to discuss any particular title, the Speaker would compel him to be silent.1 The Commons were prudent enough to make the 1 Note of the words of the Queen to the mons: Domestic MSS., Elizabeth, vol. xli. 27: MS. Ibid. Speaker of the House of Com- Queen's retreat an easy one. Having succeeded in resisting a dangerous encroachment of the crown they did not press their victory. The message sent through the Speaker was received by the House 'most joyfully, with most hearty prayers and thanks for the same,'1 and with the consent of all parties the question of Parliamentary privilege was allowed to drop. Yet while ready to waive their right of discussing further the particular pretensions of the claimants of the crown, the Commons would not let the Queen believe that they acquiesced in being left in uncertainty. Two months had passed since the beginning of the session, and the subsidy had not been so much as discussed. The succession quarrel had commenced with the first motion for a grant of money, and had lasted with scarcely an interval ever since. It was evident that although Elizabeth's objection to name a successor was rested on general grounds, it applied as strongly to Lady Catherine as to the Queen of Scots, and had arisen professedly from the Queen's own experience in the lifetime of her sister; yet the Commons either suspected that she was secretly working in the Scottish interest, or they thought at all events that her procrastination served only to strengthen that interest, and that Mary Stuart's friends every day grew more numerous. The Money Bill was reintroduced on the 27th. The House was anxious to compensate by its liberality for 1 Commons' Journals, 8 Elizabeth. |