the subject again to her, but hearing that her intercession hitherto in favour of the lords had been not only fruitless, but that at the approaching Parliament the Queen of Scots meant to proceed to the worst extremities, she would no longer forbear to speak her mind.' The Earl of Murray had risen in arms against her only to prevent her marriage and for the defence of his own life from the malice which was borne him; he was the truest and best of her subjects; and therefore, she said, 'in the interest of both the realms we are moved to require you to have that regard that the Earl and others with him may be received to your grace, or if not that you will forbear proceeding against him and the others until some better opportunity move you to show them favour.'1 In this mood Elizabeth was not inclined to bear with patience the dismissal of her ambassador. Proudly and coldly she replied to Mary Stuart's announcement of what she had done, ‘that inasmuch as the Queen of Scots had been pleased to break the usages of nations and pass this affront upon her, as this was the fruit of the long forbearance which she had herself shown, she would be better advised before she entered into any further correspondence; she would take such measures as might be necessary for her own defence; and for the Earl of Murray, to deal plainly, she could not, for her honour and for the opinion she had of his sincerity and loyalty towards his country, but see him relieved ir England, whereof she thought it convenient to advertise March. 1 Elizabeth to the Queen of Scots, February 24: Scotch MSS. Rolls House. the Queen of Scots; if harm came of it she trusted God would convert the evil to those that were the cause of it.'1 The first and probably the second of those letters never reached their destination: the events which were going forward in Scotland rendered entreaties and threats in behalf of Murray alike unnecessary. Randolph, though ordered off, was unwilling to go till he saw the execution of the plot: he made excuses for remaining till an escort came to his door with orders to see him over the frontiers, and he was compelled to obey. Bothwell met him on the road to Berwick with apologies and protests; but Randolph said he knew that Bothwell and one other no doubt Rizzio-were those who had advised his expulsion. They desired to force Elizabeth to declare war, when Bothwell hoped to win his spurs.' 93 Far enough was the Queen of Scots from the triumphant war which she was imagining; far enough was Bothwell from his spurs, and Rizzio from his chancellorship and the investiture of the lands of Murray. The mine was dug, the train was laid, the match was lighted, to scatter them and their projects all to the winds. The Parliament was summoned for Monday, the IIth of March; on the 12th the Bill of Attainder against the lords was to be brought forward and pressed to immediate completion. On Friday, the 8th, the conspirators 1 Elizabeth to the Queen of Scots, March 3: Lansdowne MSS. 8. 2. A great business is in hand in Scotland, which will bring about the recall of the Earl of Murray, so that we have forborne to forward your Majesty's letters in his behalf.' Randolph and Bedford to Elizabeth, March 6: Scotch MSS. Rolls House. 3 Randolph to Cecil, March 6: MS. Ibid. sent a safe-conduct, signed by Darnley, to bring Murray back to Scotland. Lord Hume had been gained over, and had undertaken to escort his party through the marches, and before the Earl and his companions could reach Edinburgh all would be over.1 The outline of the intended proceedings was sketched by Randolph for Cecil's information on his arrival at Berwick. BEDFORD AND RANDOLPH TO CECIL.2 Berwick, March 6. "The Lord Darnley, weary of bearing the name of a king and not having the honour pertaining to such a dignity, is in league with certain of the lords for a great attempt, whereby the noblemen now out of their country may without great difficulty be restored, and in the end tranquillity ensue in that country. Somewhat we are sure you have heard of diverse discords and jars between the Queen and her husband; partly for that she hath refused him the crown matrimonial, partly for that he hath assured knowledge of such usage of himself as altogether is intolerable to be borne, which, if it were not over-well known, we would both be very loth that it could be true. To take away this occasion of slander he is himself determined to be at the apprehension and execution of him whom he is able manifestly to charge with the crime, and to have done him the most dishonour that can be to any man, much more being as he is. We 1 Bedford and Randolph to Cecil and Leicester, March 8: Scotch MSS. Rolls House. 2 MS. Ibid. need not more plainly describe the person-you have heard of the man whom we mean. "The time of execution and performance of these matters is before the Parliament, as near as it is. To this determination there are privy in Scotland these —Argyle, Morton, Ruthven, Boyd, and Lidington; in England these-Murray, Grange, Rothes, myself (Bedford), and the writer hereof (Randolph). 'If the Queen will not yield to persuasion, we know not how they propose to proceed. If she make a power at home she will be fought with; if she seek aid from abroad the country will be placed at the Queen's Majesty's disposal to deal as she think fit.' In the blindness of confidence, and to prevent the chance of failure in Parliament, Mary Stuart had collected the surviving peers of the old 'spiritual estate,' the Catholic bishops and abbots, and placed them 'in the antient manner,' intending, as she herself declared,' 'to have done some good anent the restoring the auld religion, and to have proceeded against the rebels according to their demerits.' On Thursday, the 7th, she presided in person at the choice of the Lords of the Articles, naming with her own mouth 'such as would say what she thought expedient to the forfeiture of the banished lords; and on Friday there was a preliminary 1 The Queen of Scots to the Archbishop of Glasgow, April 2: KEITH. 2 RUTHVEN's narrative.-- Who those the Lords of the Articles?' Ruthven said to the Queen. 'Not I,' said the Queen. Saving your presence,' said he, 'you chose them all, and nominated them.' meeting at the Tolbooth to prepare the Bill of Attainder. The Lords of the Articles,1 carefully as they had been selected, at first reported that they could find no cause sufficient for so severe a measure.' The next day— Saturday-the Queen appeared at the Tolbooth in person, and after 'great reasoning and opposition' carried her point. There was no other way but the lords should be attainted.' The Act was drawn, the forfeiture was decreed, and required only the sanction of the Estates.* The same day, perhaps at the same hour, when Mary Stuart was exulting in the consciousness of triumph, the conspirators were completing their preparations. Sunday, the 10th, had been the day on which they had first fixed to strike their blow. But Darnley was impatient. He swore that 'if the slaughter was not hasted' he would stab David in the Queen's presence with his own hand. Each hour of delay was an additional risk of discovery, and it was agreed that the deed should be done the same evening. Ruthven proposed to seize Rizzio in his own room, to try him before an extemporized tribunal, and to hang him at the market cross. So commonplace a proceeding however would not satisfy the imagination of Darnley, who desired a more dramatic revenge; he would have his enemy seized in the 1 The Lords of the Articles were a committee chosen from the Three Estates, and according to law, chosen by the Estates, to prepare the measures which were to be submitted to Parliament. 2 RUTHVEN's narrative. 4 The Queen of Scots to the Archbishop of Glasgow, April 2: KEITH. |