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Jackson brought his letters to Cockayne, to address to numerous correspondents. Cockayne found his neck getting a little uncomfortable, and said, "I don't comprehend this man; he writes to persons in Germany, in France, in Ireland, and seems afraid to direct his letters in his own handwriting. I must take care." So he watched, and suspected Jackson was dabbling in treason. Now Cockayne was a man of business; so he waited on Mr. Pitt, and informed him that he had in his keeping a gentleman whom he suspected was an emissary of the French Directory, and engaged in revolutionary designs. Pitt told him to watch, and to continue the companion and fellow-traveller of Jackson, until he could be disposed of. Jackson and Cockayne came to Dublin. A hospitable Irishman invited them to dinner; a gentleman who was in the plot, but did not wish to be found out, being of the party. tleman was cautious in the presence of strangers. ner Cockayne seemed to be drowsy, retired to an arm-chair, and affected to fall asleep. But the servant was a smart Irishman; and looking closely at the man in the arm-chair, he saw Cockayne's eyes glistening through his fingers; so he touched his master, who followed him to the door-he, having heard the unpleasant fact, whispered it to his friend. The subject of conversation was instantly changed to the weather; the wary gentleman retired soon after, and Cockayne lost his prey. Jackson, of course betrayed by his attentive friend, was soon afterwards arrested, and on his person was found a most important paper upon the state of Ireland, written for the information of the Directory in France. In this remarkable document, the inhabitants were divided into three classes: the Church Protestants, who were described to be in favour of England; the Dissenters, who were said to be enlightened Republicans; the bulk of the population, the

Catholics, were stated to be in the lowest state of ignorance, and ready for any change, because no change could make them worse. The relative numbers of the different sects were wholly misstated or misunderstood; or else the condition of things in this respect is much changed for the better. The Dissenters were stated to be more numerous than the Churchmen, whereas now the Churchmen exceed in number all these denominations of Irish Protestants. Jackson was tried, found guilty of treason, but not sentenced to be executed. His wife, on the morning that he was brought down to court to receive sentence, visited him in prison, and gave him some tea. While proceeding in a carriage, he was observed to put his head out of the window, to be ghastly pale, and very sick. Arrived in court, and in the dock, he beckoned to his counsel, Curran, to whom he whispered, "We have deceived the Senate." When required by the officer of the Court, he held up his hand, but it fell feebly in a moment. The doctor was sent for, and the Judge inquired, "Is the prisoner competent to hear the judgment of the Court?" The doctor replied, "My Lord, he is dead!" Jackson had swallowed poison in his tea the Judge could not sentence him; so his property was saved for his family. The Sheriff did not know what to do with the body of Jackson, and asked the distinguished Judge what he would do with it; but the Judge did not know more than the Sheriff, and therefore said, with infinite gravity, "Mr. Sheriff, you will do as in such cases is usual.” I ought next to notice Arthur O'Connor. He was a tall, handsome, determined, and clever man. He proclaimed his daring opinions in the House of Commons, and retired. Some time afterwards, while travelling (I will not say for the benefit of his health) in England, accompanied by a resolute priest called O'Coigly, or Quoigley, he and his friend were arrested at Margate, on a charge of high treason, and sent

for trial to Maidstone. At that trial O'Connor was defended by the most eminent men at the English bar. On the trial were exhibited, in perfection, generosity of disposition and kindness of heart, and also good-nature and credulity, in Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, and the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, who testified and declared, that they never conversed with a man whose constitutional principles were of such an orthodox character as those of Arthur O'Connor. Arthur O'Connor would have swept away Church, Crown, and State of England without a moment's hesitation; but his disposition was peaceable, and character excellent! He was, marvellous to tell, acquitted. I heard the late Mr. Justice Torrens, who was then a student at the Temple, and present at the trial, describe the scene which ensued. Arthur O'Connor had a numerous assembly of friends in the court-house; and they, being apprehensive he would be arrested again, made arrangements to hustle him out of court, in order that he might escape. Being an athletic, supple man, after the verdict of not guilty, he bounded over the dock; the lights were extinguished, and in the darkness and confusion there was a scuffle and conflict. The officers of the law, however, prevailed, pommelled Lord Thanet, crushed the tumult, and O'Connor was again thrust into the dock. The Judges, who had left the Bench, returned, and asked composedly what was the matter. The Sheriff said that the gentleman was from Ireland, and that he supposed it was the custom there for prisoners, when acquitted, to behave in this strange fashion. The Judges assured Mr. O'Connor he had acted improperly, and that he could not discharge himself, but must be discharged by the Court. Quigley was then tried, convicted, and sentenced to be hanged. He had few friends in England, and got no character from eminent statesmen. It is believed that he was

offered his life if he would inform upon his friends; but he refused the offer, and was executed on Penenden heath, maintaining his composure to the last.

Next you must study the memoirs of Tone, and his conversations with Carnot and Hoche, and the officials of France, in order to understand clearly what was the object of the revolutionary party in Ireland. It was not the reform of the Irish House of Commons they wanted, but the expulsion of the English, and possession of the country. Tone told Hoche: "When we get to Ireland, the aristocracy and gentry are so odious, that I am afraid we shall not be able to save them from a general massacre." Tone said he was a man of honor, but that is more than doubtful. He was the author of the paper that was found in Jackson's pocket. He was allowed, by the lenity of the Government, to emigrate to America; and because he was not put under express terms not to return, he thought it honourable to leave America, proceed to France, and organize an expedition consisting of 20,000 troops, led by Hoche, for the invasion of Ireland. Had that French army landed on our shores, Ireland might have been deluged with blood, and even for a time separated from England. Tone asserted, to Carnot, that the militia could not be depended on by the Government—that they would not fight against the French. This assertion was partially verified at Killala; for, in the battle with the French, Lord Ormonde's militia would not fight.

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When have read the trials for treason, the political tracts, and memoirs of the time, you will then be enabled to understand what the state of Ireland was during the five or six years prior to the Union. You must next take up the Report of the Secret Committee of the House of Commons, and the history of the United Irishmen, and you will perceive that the only real object in view was revolution. If, there

fore, you find the principle of revolution asserted and maintained; if you afterwards find a rebellion in 1798, which, though unsupported by French arms, was yet fostered and matured by French policy,—it is not wonderful to come to the conclusion which I observe Mr. Wyse, in his History of the Catholic Association, has avowed, that under such circumstances the Union was inevitable.

The last night of the Irish Parliament approached under appalling circumstances. Those who opposed the Union complained fairly that the question was brought forward at an unfavourable time for discussion, because the country was torn by intestine dissensions, and had been lately distracted by civil war; and that the people of the kingdom had not a fair opportunity of giving an unbiassed judgment on the subject. Upon the other hand, it was said by Mr. Pitt, "What can I do with you? Eleven years ago you rejected my commercial propositions; afterwards you contradicted the British Parliament on the question of the Regency; you have been on the brink of revolution: it has become a necessity to attempt a new scheme of government even for your own safety." In the words of Lord Castlereagh, we were assured, that we should hereafter "have one Law, one State, and one Church." Now, I think, with deference to my gifted countrymen who opposed the Act of Union, that they did not act wisely in directing all their energies to oppose the principle of the measure. Never were men-I believe some of them, at least-animated by higher motives of honour and patriotism; and never did orators speak with more splendid ability for the maintenance, under difficult circumstances, of the ancient Constitution of their country. I often ask myself, If I had been alive then, what would I have done? I do not know how exactly to answer that question; but if I could make myself live before I was born, I think I might answer