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the mischievous statutes passed by the British Parliament; several of them, I regret to say, after the Revolution, in contempt of the Irish Legislature, to repress or stifle the manufacture and exports of Ireland; and, arguing very differently from Lord Macaulay, proves them to be, every one, not only unjust to Ireland, but mischievous to England. He quotes what contains the pith of the matter: England, in making laws to make Ireland poor," says Sir F. Brewster, in his Essay on Trade and Navigation, "acts just like a man who should set his house on fire that he might burn his neighbours;" he argues, Ireland should be treated exactly like Yorkshire. I may add, that it would have been difficult so to do, except by an Imperial Parliament and an united Legislature.

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CHAPTER IX.

POLITICAL Undertakers-Dignity of Irish Peeresses vindicated in England-Lucas, his Expulsion and Return-Flood's Patriotism, his Criticism on Political Men-Volunteer Meeting at Dungannon, Grattan's Opinion of it-Grattan's Reward-Flood's StricturesEngland's Renunciation of Right to legislate for Ireland-The Quarrel of Flood and Grattan-The late Peter Burrowes-The alleged Failure of Flood in the English Parliament-The Volunteer Convention-The Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Derry, his Character and absurd Conduct-Condition of City of Dublin under the Government of the Duke of Rutland-Conduct of Fitzgibbon (Lord Clare)-Pitt's Commercial Scheme for the two CountriesIdea of an Union broached.

WE are approaching a stirring period of Irish history. It has been said, that for a few years before 1780, parliamentary speaking was confined to a few;-the Secretary, the leading Commissioners of the Revenue, the Attorney-General, and one or two grave Sergeants-at-law-" men of sterile and almost interminable rhetoric." Tisdall, the Attorney-General, an able man, represented the University of Dublin for nearly forty years-Flood, warmed by Single-speech Hamilton, was opening those talents which afterwards ripened into excellence. One of his rivals was said to have the finest face for a grievance that was ever beheld. Primate Stone was artful, intriguing, and jealous, affecting at times the lowly ecclesiastic, whereas his true character was that of a restless politician and ambitious statesman. The official leaders were called 'Undertakers,' and justly, it was said, because from education

and habit they were well fitted to preside over the funeral of the commonwealth.

The Irishmen had their grievances-they complained and agitated; the Irish Peeresses also had their disappointments and their triumph. When Charlotte of Mecklenburgh arrived in London, to become Queen and wife to George III., certain Irish Peeresses prepared themselves to walk in procession at the royal nuptials; but they were informed they had no rights, and might walk home. Offended, and justly, that their beauty and their dresses should not be seen to advantage, they applied to their noble lords, who took the matter coldly, recollecting the reply which had been given on a former occasion to their predecessors who wished to walk in a royal procession, namely, that they could only be allowed. to walk at a funeral, because then, as Irishmen, they would be in their proper station, and might howl as much as they pleased. But the ladies of Ireland had too much spirit to submit tamely to oppression. They found a knight in the accomplished Charlemont; he discovered precedents to satisfy

the

young King; the Council saw the fair beauties, were enchanted, and conquered, and the Peeresses of Ireland walked triumphant in the brilliant throng according to their rank, the joy and admiration of all beholders. Thus were the Peers of Ireland taught how to conquer.

Lucas, an ardent apothecary, whose statue adorns the Exchange, had been persecuted and expelled the House, and voted an enemy to his country for speaking truth. He went to London, practised the medical profession, wrote an Essay on waters, attracted the notice of Dr. Johnson, who wrote him up, branding the Irish Parliament and Government for their infamous behaviour. Thus thundered the Doctor: "Let the man driven into exile for having been the friend of his country, be received in every other place as a confessor of

liberty, and let the tools of power be taught in time, that they may rob, but cannot impoverish." Lucas got back, was elected again for Dublin, and became a useful member of Parliament in his day.

Flood now determined to be patriotic, and renewed the old cry against absentees, by proposing a tax of two shillings on the net rents of all landed property in Ireland, to be paid by all persons who should not actually reside in the kingdom for the space of six months in each year-Christmas, 1773, to Christmas, 1774. The Irish Government, wanting money, favoured the scheme; but it failed. The absentee Lords in London, a numerous body, pressed Lord North to give it up; Burke, in his Correspondence, condemned the plan as inpolitic; although it was liked by the multitude and favoured by a party, it was lost. Flood now thought it was high time to accept a place that of Vice-Treasurer-a place highly desirable. The rank it conferred was considerable, the pay large, and the work small. Few patriots could resist such inducements. When questioned by his friends, he moralized on the corruption of the times, stating, "that he had been betrayed oftener, when taking an active part in the House of Commons of Ireland, than he thought it necessary to state. Except some particular persons, men of scrupulous honour, every one to whom I intrusted a parliamentary motion, or plan of conduct for the session, almost uniformly betrayed me." Flood seemed surprised to find that he was promoted, not to speak, but to hold his tongue. He might have said, with a witty Irishman and brilliant declaimer, whom we remember, "that he was better rewarded for his silence than ever he had been for his eloquence." Such is the blindness or perverseness of Ministers, who will sometimes prefer a silent vote to a fiery oration, although the orator might be Flood or Sheil. When Grattan, long after

wards, charged Flood with having sunk his patriotism in office, he cleverly replied, "A patriot in office is more the patriot."

A great figure now appears upon the stage of public lifeHenry Grattan-who took his seat for Charlemont in December, 1775, and began his splendid, though chequered career. The condition of Ireland at this epoch was deplorable. Her industry was shackled, her trade was paralyzed, her landed interest was depressed, her exchequer empty, her pension list enormous, her shores undefended, her army withdrawn. The policy and the maxims of Swift once more revived a spirit of discontent and a spirit of independence pervaded the nation. England was at war with France-at war with America; the colonies had revolted, republican theories were afloat in the world, and Ireland was menaced with invasion. The Government, on being applied to for troops, declared they had none to spare, and that Ireland must protect herself. The Volunteer movement then commenced; and, to the amazement of Ministers, they soon stood face to face with an armed nation.

On looking into the History of the Volunteer movement compiled by Mr. Wilson, I found the names of those who attended the celebrated meeting at Dungannon, and were chosen as a permanent Committee of the Ulster Volunteers. The first name was that of Lord Enniskillen-borne now by one I am proud to call a friend. The resolutions carried were very distinct. They were in favour of the parliamentary independence of Ireland-of the independence of the judges-in condemnation of Poynings' law, as unconstitutional and illegal-in condemnation of the powers usurped by the Privy Council of both kingdoms-in favour of opening the ports to all foreign countries—and in favour of a Mutiny Bill, limited from session to session. Parliament caught the

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