plied, "that confidence shall never deceive them ;" and added, "that he, who had ventured himself, his wife, and all his children in the king's service, would make no scruple of venturing or casting away one son,* when there should be cause. Yet, that if there should be a necessity, he would rather give up those places under his command to the English, than to the Irish rebels; of which opinion, he thought every good Englishman was." "To this, (adds Mr. Leyburne,) I answered nothing."

His excellency had then with him in the city, two thousand of the parliament forces, and expected many more in a few weeks. But his cessation with the confederates being now to expire in three days, he endeavored to renew it for three weeks longer; within which time, he had good reason to expect, that the remainder of his supplies from the parliament would arrive. Mr. Leyburne, whom he employed to go on that occasion to Kilkenny, " desired to know from his excellency, what he should say, in case the confederates should object, that his lordship proposed so short a cessation only that he might gain time to receive more forces from the parliament? To which he was answered, that he should receive orders for that on the way, if on consideration, there was cause." Accordingly, the next day a post overtook him with a letter from the lord lieutenant, in which he gave him power, "to undertake to the confederates, that if a cessation should be agreed upon, he would not receive into the garrisons under his command, forces from the parliament, during three weeks; but Mr. Leyburne was to use his utmost endeavors to procure a cessation without that condition; or at least, that it should be kept private; which last he was to engage them in, before he consented to the said condition."

But the general assembly, having pregnant causes of fear, that his excellency sought that short cessation † only with a

*He meant sir Richard Butler, one of the hostages sent to the English parliament.

The lord lieutenant and council in their answer to the king's constrained order of the 11th of June above-mentioned, or rather to the English rebels with whom he was then a prisoner, say on this occasion, "that they were desirous, on the one hand, not to make a cessation with the

view of obtaining succors from the parliament, refused to agree to it. At the same time, such was their inclination to peace, and the zeal for his majesty's service, that he proposed to lengthen out the cessation for six months, provided his lordship would, in the mean time, admit no more of the parliament's forces into his garrisons. But he absolutely refused to accept of a cessation for any longer term than three weeks." His reason for rejecting the offer of a six months cessation evidently was, that all hopes of agreeing with the parliament would have been thereby defeated.

CHAP. XVII.

Ormond delivers up the king's authority to the English

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parliament."

UPON the hostages before-mentioned having been re ceived in England, one thousand English foot, and four hun. dred horse, were ordered to march out of Ulster to Dublin; and on the 7th of June following, the parliament commissioners arriving with six hundred horse, and fourteen hundred foot more, the treaty between them, and the marquis of Ormond,* "was concluded, and signed on the 19th of that month; by which his excellency was to quit the sword, on the 28th of the following month, or sooner, upon four days

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7 Memoirs, p. 34. 1 Carte's Orm. vol. i. fol. 603. 2 Id. ib. Irish for too long a time, lest in case their supplies should arrive sooner than they expected, it might prevent the going on with the war that sum. mer; and on the other side, not for to make it for too short a time, lest the many preparations requisite for a full supply, and other intervening accidents, might retard it so as not to arrive so speedily as they desired.”— Carte's Orm. vol. iii. fol. 485.

At this time the marquis of Ormond knew, that the Scots had delivered up the king to the parliament's commissioners. Borl. Hist. of the Irish Rebel. fol. 231.-"The time that the marquis of Ormond (says the same historian) agreed with the parliament commissioners, was near the time that the army had gotten the king into their hands, having taken him from Holmbey out of the custody of the commissioners, to whom the Scots had delivered him."-Id. ib. fol. 240.

notice." Thus did his lordship deliver up the king's authority to men, who soon after became, as he himself has described them,3«murderers of his royal person, usurpers of his rights, and destroyers of the Irish nation; by whom the nobility and gentry of it were massacred at home, and led into slavery, or driven into beggary abroad."*

"I am told," says the earl of Essex, lord lieutenant of Ireland in 1674, "that when the lord Ormond dilivered up the sword to the parliament commissioners here, alderman Smith, then mayor of Dublin, aged near four-score years, and always reputed a man of great integrity and loyalty, came to the council-table, and acquainted my lord Ormond, that it was generally reported in town, and spread so far, as no man doubted it, that his excellency intended to deliver up the government to the parliament; that he came to acquaint his lordship, that himself was entrusted with the king's sword of the city, and that he would not resign it to rebels. Whereupon, my lord of Ormond gave him some check, and ordered him to withdraw; but upon further consideration, his lordship and the council thought fit to call him in again, and to commend him for the resolution he had shewn in maintaining his majes ty's authority; and withal read the letter from his majesty, requiring the iord lieutenant to deliver up the sword to the commissioners impowered by the parliament of England; whereupon, he said he would submit." This was a shameful imposition on the honest lord mayor, and could be no other than the letter of the 11th of June, the preceding year, extorted from the king by the Scots, when he was their prisoner, and forbidding the marquis of Ormond to proceed in the peace with the confederates, as we shall hereafter see.

The marquis, through this whole transaction with the English parliament, was sufficiently careful of his own private concerns; having stipulated, that a large sum of money should

3 Carte's Orm. vol. ii. Append. fol. 19. 4 State Lett. p. 344

Had the kingdom (says sir Edward Walker on this occasion) been given up to them (the confederate catholics,) and not as it was to the parliamentarians, the balance of government would have been kept more even, and these Irish would have become the better subjects."-Histor. Discourses.

be paid him on the conclusion of it; ands that his estate (which was heavily incumbered at the beginning of the insurrection) "should not be subject to any debts contracted before that time." But there appears no reason to believe, that he was equally, or at all, anxious in this agreement, for the interests or preservation of that church and government, for whose support and dignity, in all his negociations with the confede rates, he had affected to be thought so scrupulously zealous. For on the 24th of June, 1647, five days after the treaty with the parliament was signed, and a month after he had delivered up the sword, he suffered the parliament commissioners to publish an order, requiring all ministers of congregations, and others officiating in the several churches and chapels in Dublin, to observe the directory, and for the discontinuance of the liturgy and common prayer; although the act of uniformity was still in force in Ireland, and not so much as suspended by any order of either, or both houses of parliament. Accordingly, the established clergy ceased to associate, and the liturgy was left off in all the churches of the city, except that of Trinitycollege, where Anthony Martin, bishop of Meath, and provost of that college, continued to use it."

These consequences, the marquis of Ormond must have certainly foreseen; because one of his first propositions to the English parliament, (which was rejected) was "that the covenant should not be imposed, nor the liturgy suppressed at present; lest it should divide the protestants, and hinder their joint prosecution of the war (against the Irish) and that nothing should be done in relation to either, but by act of parliament." Now, even supposing this proposition had been granted, what else could his lordship have expected, from an act of either the Irish or English parliament, at that juncture, but a more certain and rigorous imposition of the covenant, and suppression of the liturgy and common prayer in both kingdoms ?*

5 Borl. Hist. of the Irish Rebel. fol. 235. 6 Carte's Orm. vol. i. fol. 605. 7 Id. ib. vol. iii. fol. 586.

The protestant clergy of the city of Dublin, in their petition to the parliament commissioners on this occasion, "prays that, in pity and compassion to the protestants of Dublin and to themselves, who were else, by their injunction, in danger of being exposed to banishment, loss of estate, and present subsistence, with their wives and families, they would restore

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Both houses of the Irish parliament, then sitting, had, with great solemnity, presented an address of thanks to his excellency, on occasion of his treaty with the English rebels. that address, they set forth, "that his proceedings therein, being such a free earnest of his excellency's love to their religion, nation, and both houses, did incite them to come unto him with hearts filled with his love, and tongues declaring how much they were obliged to his excellency. And that in order to [perpetuate unto posterity, the memory of his excellency's merits, and their thankfulness, they had appointed that instrument to be entered into both houses, and under the hands of both speakers, to be presented to his lordship." To which address, his lordship politely answered, "that this acknowledgment of theirs was unto him a jewel* of very great value, which he should lay up among his choicest treasures; it being an antidote against the virulency of those tongues and pens, that, he was well assured, would be busily set on work to traduce and blast the integrity of his present proceeding for their preservation." The reader will easily perceive, that those, for whose preservation he entered into measures so destructive of monarchy, and of the established religion in Ireland, were generally rabble of covenanters, who, conspiring with their brethren in the British parliament, prepared the way for, and at last, effectually brought about, the murder of the king in England!

8 Com. Jour. App. Borl, Hist. Irish Rebel. fol. 234.

9 Ib.

them to their churches, till such time as further order be taken by the convocation of the clergy, and an act of parliament, in Ireland." But in vain.— Borl. Irish Rebel. fol. 239.

Alluding to a jewel of £500 value, which he had some years before received from both houses of the English parliament, as a reward for his service in prosecuting the war against the Irish, in the manner we have seen, in a letter of thanks, "though I do not hear, (adds Borlase) that he did ever place the jewel or letter in his archieve."-Hist. of the Irish Rebel. fol. 100.

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