orders "not to hesitate to shoot." Priests identified with the movement could not go on a sick call without being tracked by police spies. Collisions occurred in all parts of the country, with casualties on both sides, but naturally the unarmed people were at a disadvantage, and there were several civilian deaths from stabbing and gunshot. A boy was sent to prison for grinning at a policeman; a girl of twelve for conspiracy to obstruct the sheriff's officers; a man for winking in the market place, at the pig of a boycotted one. The worst case was that of Mitchelstown in September, 1887. A public meeting was held. English as well as Irish speakers, including Mr. Dillon, were present. A Government reporter arriving late, with a police escort, tried to force his way through the crowd. The peaceful people were jostled about, and exasperated by this attack on free speech, attacked their assailants with sticks. The latter retired to barracks and from this vantage ground deliberately fired on the multitude. Three men were killed and a verdict of wilful murder was returned against the police at the coroner's inquest, but no action was taken. John Mandeville of Mitchelstown died as a result of brutal treatment in prison. Thus, in Ireland, was celebrated the Jubilee Year of the Queen of England's reign.

United Ireland in those days was spicy reading. Those of us who were children at the time enjoyed weekly the cartoons of Balfour, who was presented to us spider-legged, malevolent, and waspish in appearance. It came as a surprise to us in later years to learn that Balfour, brutal as he proved himself in practice, was a philosopher of parts and had written books!

Balfour, having imprisoned at least three distinguished priests -Canon Keller of Youghal, Father Matt Ryan of Tipperary, and Father McFadden of Gweedore, appealed for assistance to the Pope. Cardinal Persico was sent to Ireland. In 1888 was issued a Papal Rescript condemning the Plan of Campaign. Cardinal Persico was, of course, blamed for this; but truth will out. The Persico letters have been since published, and it is now known that he was blameless. The Rescript was the result of English diplomacy at Rome.

But worse things were coming. A sinister plot to ruin Parnell was started in England. In the spring of 1887 a series of articles in the London Times appeared under the heading Parnellism and Crime. Alleged letters of Parnell were used for the purpose of connecting him with the Phoenix Park murders, and the physical force movement generally. Parnell at last demanded a select committee of the House of Commons to inquire into the matter.

Instead, the Government appointed a special commission of three judges to make the enquiry. The commission was given carte blanche to open up the whole conduct of the agitation in Ireland. Not Parnell alone but all Ireland was in the dock.

Witnesses came in droves. Spies, policemen, officials, farmers, agents, informers-all were baited with gold into the net of the Times.

Time dragged wearily on until in February 1889 Richard Piggott entered the witness chair. He was well known as an impecunious journalist, always "on the make." In 1888 he applied to Forster offering to assist the Government for a trifle of £1,500 down, and then to Patrick Egan offering to assist the League on similar terms. But let his variegated career pass. He went into the witness-box, gave his evidence, and then Sir Charles Russell, Parnell's Counsel, took him in hands. Handing him pen and paper Russell put him through a spelling exercise. The last word dictated was "hesitancy." Piggott spelled it "hesitency." So was it spelled in one of the alleged fac-simile letters! But Russell had another rod in pickle. Four days before the letters appeared in the Times Piggott had written to Doctor Walsh, Archbishop of Dublin, saying that a plot was laid for Parnell, that certain incriminatory letters were to be published, and how should he warn the National leaders? Piggott fell to pieces. He contradicted himself hopelessly. Everything was clear. Copies of Archbishop Walsh's replies to him were produced in Court.

The unfortunate man cleared the country at once and was traced to Madrid. Here at his hotel a Spanish Inspector of Police called. Piggott retired to his room, took up a pistol and blew out his brains. Interest in the commission was now at an end. When it resumed its adjourned session Mr. Biggar addressed the judges. He spoke for some twenty minutes, not wishing to occupy their time as his friend, Mr. Davitt, wished to make a few observations. Mr. Davitt's remarks only occupied five days!

One interesting question remains. It is this. Who paid for Piggott's passage and expenses to Madrid?

CHAPTER LXXVI

FALL OF PARNELL AND OF PARLIAMENTARIANISM

PARNELL was now the man of the hour. He had triumphed over all who had crossed his path. He had broken Forster; he had humbled even Gladstone. He had beaten the most elaborate conspiracy ever launched against a politician and supported by one of the greatest newspaper syndicates in the world. Again and again he had changed the tune of the Government from "the Government will" to "the Government must." He was fêted and lionised; he was entertained by exclusive clubs, and was the guest of honour at such society functions as he would attend. He was presented with the freedom of the city of Edinburgh. His reception in the House of Commons was flattering in the extreme, and on one occasion when some murmurs arose from the Tory benches against the assertion of a member that the case against him was based on forgery, he rose in his place and dared any member of that body in the House to indicate by word, or nod, or gesture that he did not believe this to be the case. There was no response. He seemed absolutely master of the situation, the dictator of policy, the ruling force in the House of Commons, unquestioned chief of his own party by dint of his personality, and master of other parties by reason of his magnificent and seemingly instinctive diplomacy. And then the blow fell!

Captain O'Shea, who had given what was meant to be damaging proof against him at the Times Commission, filed a petition for divorce against his wife, naming Parnell as co-respondent. There was no defence, and no appearance for the defence. Parnell ignored the whole business as if it were of no importance, whatever. When the decree was made absolute he promptly married Mrs. O'Shea.

If others had taken matters as coolly as Parnell, it might have been better. But a meeting of the party was called at the Leinster Hall, Dublin, and a resolution of confidence in Parnell's leadership was passed. The delegates at the time in America-O'Connor, O'Kelly, O'Brien, Dillon and others were asked to cable a

resolution of confidence in Parnell, and this was in due course done. Mr. T. D. Sullivan alone, of those in contact with each other, reserved judgment. He was sharply criticised for his reticence, but he had this consolation: that while the others went back on their words later, he had nothing to retract.

A meeting of the Irish Party was held, and Parnell was reelected sessional chairman without a dissentient voice. It was known to Justin McCarthy, and must also have been known to Parnell, that Gladstone had prepared a letter in which he stated that Parnell's continuance in the leadership of the Irish Party would be productive of consequences disastrous in the highest degree to the cause of Ireland and would render his retention of the leadership of the Liberal party almost a nullity.

This was the letter of a political strategist. Gladstone did not say that he would resign his leadership. He did not say that he would wash his hands of legislation for Ireland. In plain fact he said nothing tangible at all, except that Parnell's leadership pleased him no longer.

Parnell replied in a long manifesto which he submitted to a number of members of his party-the Redmonds, O'Kelly, Leamy, Col. Nolan, Justin McCarthy. He asked not to be thrown to the "English wolves," now howling for his destruction. He disclosed all his negotiations with the Liberals, and showed that his chairmanship from the Liberal point of view did not matter in the least; that Liberals would proceed on their pre-arranged plans whether he was leader or not, but that as leader he might be able to counter them. Bribes offered him by the Liberals he disclosed: the Chief Secretaryship for himself; one of the law-officerships of the Crown for a colleague, and so forth. He had rejected all these offers valuing the independence of his party more than anything else. He lifted a corner of the veil which had screened his negotiations with the Liberals, and pointed out that his leadership had nothing to do with Liberal policy which was settled and in gear, though possibly it might interfere with its smooth working if he was continued in power.

There was a moment of tension. Then Justin McCarthy spoke. He disapproved of the manifesto from beginning to end. Parnell urged him for particulars. He objected to it all especially the words "English wolves." "I will not change them," Parnell said, "whatever goes out, these words shall not go out." The "split" was thenceforward in being.

In the heart of the controversy which followed the truth was submerged under ex-parte pleadings on either side. Gladstone was

accused of sacrificing Parnell, though for years he had been well aware of the relations between Parnell and Mrs. O'Shea. Mrs. O'Shea had in fact acted as envoy to him, again and again, from Parnell. But in fair play it must be said that whatever Gladstone suspected he had no proof. When the matter became public he had to consider the attitude of his party and electorate and was not really one of the "English wolves," though for aught we know he may have been glad of Parnell's downfall. Morley was asked if Parnell would retire if found guilty. "He will not," said Morley, "he will remain where he is, and he is quite right."

The Irish Party met. Parnell simply asked them not to sell him without getting his value. "Gentlemen," said Parnell, “it is not for you to act in this matter. You are dealing with a man who is an unrivalled sophist. You are dealing with a man to whom it is as impossible to give a direct answer to a plain and simple question, as it is for me impossible to give an indirect answer to a plain and simple question. You are dealing with a man who is capable of appealing to the constituencies for a majority which would make him independent of the Irish Party. And if I surrender to him, if I give up my position to him-if you throw me to him, I say, gentlemen, that it is your bounden duty to see that you secure value for the sacrifice. How can you secure this value? You can secure this value by making up your minds as to what these provisions in the next Home Rule Bill should be."

Envoys of the party called on Mr. Gladstone and they learned the nothing which deputations learn of Cabinet Ministers. It was a duel between Parnell and Gladstone. The latter won. On December 6th, 1890, Mr. Justin McCarthy withdrew with forty-four followers; Parnell was left with twenty-six.

Then came the Kilkenny election and Parnell crossed over to Ireland. But before going to Kilkenny there was work to be done in Dublin. United Ireland bought by Parnell, and for long brilliantly edited by William O'Brien, had, under the direction of Mathias McD. Bodkin, gone over to the enemy! On the morning of December 18th, 1890, a call was made at the office. A Fenian, a follower of Parnell, approached the acting editor and said: "Matty, will you walk out, or would you like to be thrown out?" Matty decided for the less exciting manner of exit.

That night, at a wonderful meeting in the Rotunda, Parnell spoke a sentence that lived for ever in the hearts of those who heard it, and ought to live in the hearts of their descendants. He said:

"I don't pretend that I had not moments of trial and of tempta