stone, and immediately crossed to Ireland where his operations made the Government bitterly regret his suspension. He and his followers had shown that they had no responsibility for the Land Act, by leaving the House of Commons before the division on both the Second and Third Readings. He endeavoured to get the best Bill he could, but was anxious to make it clear that it was not his Bill, or one he approved of. One of his first actions in Ireland was to propose and carry at a Land League convention in Dublin a resolution that the Land Act be tested in Court by specially selected cases, and that other tenants should wait to see how things would go in these cases. This adroit move simply meant that the Land Act would be held up indefinitely, and that a chance, based on the results of proceedings in the courts might arise for its radical emendation. It was one of the most politic moves of Parnell's whole career. But it was foiled. Let Michael Davitt tell the

story:

"A class of Ulster tenants who had given no help to the Land League movement rushed into the land courts and set an example, baited with an average twenty per cent reduction of old rents. Those tenants, however, who acted thus precipitately and unwisely were to live to regret that they had not followed Mr. Parnell's advice."

Then came another of these little incidents which play such a part in the relations of the English Government with Ireland. A Parnellite candidate was beaten by a Liberal in Tyrone. Gladstone was delighted. He wrote Mr. Forster: "The unexpected victory in Tyrone is an event of importance, and I own it increases my desire to meet the remarkable Irish manifestation and discomfiture both of Parnell and the Tories with some initial act of clemency, in view especially of the coming election for Monaghan. I do not know whether the release of the priest (Father Sheehy) would be a reasonable beginning. . . . To reduce the following of Parnell by drawing away from him all well inclined men seems to me the key of Irish politics for the moment.

But Mr. Forster was adamant. Instead of inclining to an "act of clemency" he advised Gladstone, in a forthcoming speech at Leeds, to denounce Parnell's "action and policy." "Parnell's reply to you," he said, "may be a treasonable outburst." Mr. Gladstone took his secretary's advice. He denounced Parnell. He declared that "the resources of civilisation were not exhausted." Parnell's reply at Wexford, whether treasonable or not, was corrosive. He dissected the "Grand Old Man" mercilessly. He compared him to a schoolboy going past a graveyard, whistling

to keep up his courage. And he concluded with the stinging phrases:

"I trust as the result of this great movement we shall see that, just as Gladstone by the Act of 1881 has eaten all his own words, has departed from all his formerly declared principles, now we shall see that these brave words of the English Prime Minister will be scattered like chaff before the united and advancing determination of the Irish people to regain for themselves their lost land and their legislative independence." His friends rightly felt that now his arrest was certain. At length one of them plucked up courage to ask him: "Suppose they arrest you, Mr. Parnell . . . who will take your place?" "Captain Moonlight," replied

Parnell.

3

3 The resolute ones who took guns and went after tyrannical landlords— and tyrants-were known as Moonlighters.

CHAPTER LXXV

THE LADIES' LAND LEAGUE

MEANWHILE, United Ireland was founded on the ruins of a paper called the Flag of Ireland bought from one Richard Piggott, of which more will be heard later. William O'Brien became its editor and gave admirable service to the cause. The No Rent manifesto was issued, signed by Parnell, Kettle, Davitt, Brennan, Dillon, Sexton, Patrick Egan-all in prison except Egan who was in Paris to safeguard the funds. The purport was that no rents were to be paid under any circumstances until the Government abandoned terrorism and restored the constitutional rights of the people.

This was a bold and dangerous policy. Had it been tried earlier, as Davitt had suggested, it might have shaken the Government and secured a better Land Act. But now the leaders were all in prison. The Land Act would soon be law, and the harassed tenants were likely to accept any relief that it offered. The manifesto was written by William O'Brien, and only with much diffidence signed by Parnell, Dillon, and the others. Forster's counter-move was not delayed. Two days later the Land League was proclaimed an illegal association, and it was announced that all its meetings would be, if necessary, dispersed by force.

The Ladies' Land League took matters in hand and Mr. Forster began to realise that he had possibly blundered. He had some 1,083 men in prison,1 including the most upright and sensible men in the movement, and how was he to rule a country directed by a few women in Dublin? They had plenty of money, partly supplied from America, partly from Paris by Mr. Patrick Egan. Relief and help were given according to the amount of activity displayed in a district. Boycotting increased. Any agrarian crime was defended from the funds of the Ladies' Land League. If a grabber was left in quiet possession of a farm there was not a farthing avail

1 These men were never faced with any charges. They were "suspects.” Habeas corpus then as often before and since-was suspended.

able for the district in which he lived. Anybody going into the Land Courts was condemned and intimidated. Hunting by the "gentry" was stopped. The situation day by day became more and more chaotic.

Mr. Forster thought the matter over, and hoped that if he had some of these women arrested it might ease the situation. He had about half a dozen arrested and was not pleased with the result. He found he was only lashing public opinion into fury. He found that there was hardly a girl in Ireland who would not joyfully go to prison for the cause. In fact they were inviting arrest.

Needless to say, the "outrages" were not all on one side. Forster's Buckshot Brigade loyally and zealously carried out their master's orders. In addition to the buckshot, the peelers were provided with a more deadly type of bayonet. A few examples will suffice to show how the orders to break the spirit of the people were carried out. At Grawhill, near Belmullet in October 1881, a crowd assembled, chiefly composed of women and children. The officer in charge of the crown forces gave orders to fire a volley of buckshot into the crowd and then charge with the bayonet. Numbers were wounded; the crowd rushed away in shrieking panic, the police freely using their bayonets indiscriminately on all they came up with. Mrs. Mary Deane, a widowed mother, was shot dead; a young girl, Ellen McDonagh, was stabbed to death. On May 5th, 1882, a band of lads of twelve years and under paraded in Ballina, County Mayo, with tin whistles and cans to celebrate Parnell's release. They were assailed with a hail of buckshot, chased and stabbed. One poor lad, Patrick Melody, fell dead at his father's feet on the threshold of his home.

Poor Mr. Forster stuck it out bravely. He asked Gladstone for further powers, but Gladstone was getting nervous. Money was pouring in from America, where T. P. O'Connor, T. M. Healy and Father Sheehy were now operating, and the "Grand Old Man" was becoming alarmed. In his alarm he had recourse to Rome, conveniently forgetting a pamphlet he had written a short time previously on Vaticanism. He was successful-to a certain extent. Through diplomacy-which could also be called another namehe secured a condemnation of the Land League and its policy in January, 1882, though the League had passed out of legal existence by Mr. Forster's edict in October, 1881. This condemnation had no effect on the struggle.

The Ladies' Land League became daily more active in relieving distress and keeping up the agitation. Forster was being worsted. He was prepared to propose a system of provincial councils for

Ireland with limited autonomy, hoping that a bribe might weaken the opposition. However, a dramatic change in the situation soon took place.

Parnell was released on parole to attend the funeral of a nephew in Paris. On his way through London he saw Justin McCarthy and explained to him a project he had in his mind for the amendment of the Land Act by the cancellation of arrears thereby bringing under its provisions a vast number of tenants who were at present excluded. The prisoners should be released, the No-Rent manifesto withdrawn, and the agitation, generally, slowed down. Captain O'Shea was selected as his envoy to break this to Gladstone and Chamberlain. The message was delivered. Gladstone was delighted. "On the whole," he wrote to Forster, "Parnell's letter is the most extraordinary I ever read. I cannot help feeling indebted to O'Shea."

Parnell returned to prison, but his release was now only a matter of time. Gladstone was sick of coercion. Chamberlain, on his own admission, would have liked to succeed Forster as Chief Secretary for Ireland. Rather than consent to Parnell's release, Earl Cowper and Forster resigned. The very day before Parnell's proposals reached Gladstone the latter had written to Forster giving dim outlines for Land reform and self-government. "It is liberty," he said, “that makes men fit for liberty. This proposition has its bounds but it is far safer than the counter-doctrine-wait till they are fit." Parnell's proposals contained no mention of selfgovernment. Neither had he consulted his colleagues concerning them. A new and different Parnell was developing.

On May 4th, 1882, Forster was explaining his position to the House of Commons. He had had a bad time of it in Ireland; he had shown himself a plucky fighter and he had been beaten, beaten by the Irish, and that was sufficient to win him the sympathy of the house. He was in the middle of his speech, denouncing the League, denouncing Parnell, when suddenly he was interrupted by a storm of cheers from the Irish benches. Parnell, dignified and haughty as of old, triumph depicted on his handsome features, had entered the House. He went to his seat, folded his arms, and gazed with cold scorn at his jailer, now in disgrace. He could not but rejoice that he had done to England what English Governments have always sought to do in Ireland-divide the forces of the opposition. Here were Gladstone and Forster at loggerheads: Gladstone on his feet to answer his ex-Chief-Secretary at whose bidding he had invoked the "resources of civilisation," and defending the man against whom they had been invoked. Gladstone replied