we find some of them, to their eternal disgrace, selling themselves as spies and informers to the Government. The most noted of these traitors was one Samuel Turner, of Newry, who had fled to Hamburg in June, 1797. Here he was in touch with Madame Matthiessen, a cousin of Lady Edward Fitzgerald (Pamela), through whom the communications of the United Irishmen with the French minister at Hamburg, Reinhardt, were conducted. As a consequence all the plans of the republicans in Ireland and the efforts of their envoys Levins and MacNevin at Hamburg, were at once communicated to the English Government. In Ireland, too, the "battalion of testimony" was numerous and unsuspected. There was the unspeakable Leonard MacNally, who acted in public the part of a patriot barrister, shared with Curran the task of defending the United Irishmen at the trials-and put the knowledge he thus gained at the service of the Government, whose secret pensioner he had been for years. There was MacGuckin, the legal adviser of the Northern leaders, who acted the same part towards his unfortunate clients. There was Reynolds, a sworn "United man," the friend of Lord Edward, there was Magan, the immaculate Catholic barrister-the horrible list is too long to finish!

In consequence of information thus received the English Government, early in 1798, arrested Arthur O'Connor and Father Quigley, on their way to France to make a new effort to secure French aid. O'Connor they kept in prison or internment until 1801, but Fr. Quigley they hanged. On the 12th March 1798, acting on information supplied by Reynolds, the Irish Government swooped upon a meeting of the Leinster Directory at the house of

2 As it has been a fashion with English and pro-English people falsely to taunt the Irish that informers could always be procured in any of their movements, it is worth while adducing a bit of valuable testimony to the contrast between Irish staunchness and British, in the "United" movement. Gamble, an eminently justminded man, and an able writer, of British stock, residing in Strabane in the early part of the eighteenth century, knowing intimately both his own stock and the Irish, and evidently well versed in the local United Irish chronicles, gives in his "Tour in Ireland" (published in 1825) striking testimony on the matter. On page 271 of his book he says: "On these occasions the Protestant was almost always the informer. The fidelity of the Catholic could rarely be shaken." And on page 272: "The Government therefore was probably benefited, rather than injured by the share the Protestant had in the rebellion-hanging, as he often did, a dead-weight about the neck of his Catholic associate, restraining his efforts and discovering his plans. * *Events of that day (at least as far as present generations are concerned) have placed an everlasting bar between the two-the one has no wish to be trusted; but if he had, no inducement, I daresay, would prevail on the other to trust him." However, the latest Irish movement, in which more than a hundred thousand people have conspired, struggled, fought, without a single individual being purchasable by all the gold of England, is the most striking proof of Irish fidelity. S. M. M.

*

Oliver Bond, arrested all those present, and seized their papers, which put them in possession of all their plans. The same day the authorities arrested Thomas Addis Emmet, John Sweetman, Dr. Nevin, Oliver Bond, and issued warrants against Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Richard MacCormack and Sampson-who immediately went "on the run." The two latter escaped to the continent, but nothing would induce Lord Edward to leave Ireland, though strong hints were given to his family (by Lord Clare himself) that the ports were open to him. He knew that the country would rise now, and he was determined that the Commander-in-Chief should not be proclaimed a deserter.

The vacant places in the Directory were filled by Henry and John Sheares, two successful barristers, and Lord Edward, assisted by his sturdy lieutenant, Sam Neilson, was very active in superintending operations. A new promise came from the French that they would send an expeditionary force in May.

On the 30th March, Martial Law was proclaimed all through the country. The most frightful atrocities were committed by the troops under its shelter, for the purpose avowed by Lord Castlereagh himself "to cause a premature rebellion." To the "frightfulness" associated with General Lake's conduct in Ulster in 1797, new terrors were added by the policy of "free quarters." A savage and undisciplined soldiery, mad with lust and drink, were let loose in the pure homes of the countryside, and the land was filled with the cries of ravished women, the shrieks of the victims of pitch cap and triangle, the lamentations of those who saw their homes go up in flames. So dreadful was the conduct of the troops, that their Commander-in-Chief, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, unable to stomach them any longer, resigned. He had previously declared the "army was in a state of licentiousness, which must render it formidable to everyone but the enemy." "Within these twelve months," he writes, on another occasion, "every crime, every cruelty that could be committed by Cossacks and Calmucks has been transacted here."

Whether the French came or not the people could hold out no longer. The insurrection was fixed for the 23rd May, and the signal was to be the stopping of the mail coaches from Dublin.

Four days before the appointed date Lord Edward was taken at Murphy's house in Thomas Street, on information supplied by Magan; and the following day, while he lay in Newgate prison, wounded to death, the two Sheares were betrayed by Captain Armstrong.

On the day of Lord Edward's death, Napoleon definitely

abandoned the Irish cause, and set out on his Egyptian campaign.3 The insurrection, long delayed in the hope of the promised aid from France, now broke out under the worst possible conditions for success. Left without leaders, is it astonishing that it should have been confined to only a portion of the country, and that the efforts of the counties that "rose" were speedily suppressed? The astonishing thing is to find what these poorly-armed, leaderless people could do when they had capable officers. Between 24th and 27th May there were engagements with the military at Naas, Clane, Prosperous, Kilcullen and Monasterevin in Kildare, at Dunboyne and Tara in Meath, at Baltinglass in Wicklow, at Lucan, Rathfarnham, and Tallaght in Dublin. Though the only definite success on the insurgents' side was at Prosperous, where they were capably led by Lieutenant Esmond, they gave such a good account of themselves that Government was very glad to make terms. How these "terms" were kept will be long remembered. Around Gibbet Rath on the Curragh of Kildare, where the assembled insurgents surrendered their arms, having previously obtained a promise of "pardon and liberty," they were set upon by Lord Roden, and his mounted "fencibles" and butchered in cold blood!

In the meantime Wexford had "risen," goaded to the step by

3 In St. Helena Napoleon expressed bitter regret for this act. He intimated that if he had chosen Ireland instead of Egypt, the curren of history could have been radically changed.

For Lord Edward's death-and the blow it was to Ireland-Ethna Carbery sings the lament of Mairin-Ni-Cullinan :

the atrocities of the Yeos and British troops these let loose. The story of Father John Murphy might stand for the story of Wexford: its efforts for peace, its disinclination to resort to the arbitration of the sword as long as any other choice was left it—and then its sturdy courage, the extraordinary military ability shown by its improvised leaders: priests like Father John Murphy himself or his namesake, Father Michael, Father Philip Roche, and Father Doyle, young farmers like Edmund Kyan or Myles Byrne. It is in the vivid narrative of the latter that we must follow the events of the Wexford campaign-from that Whit Saturday when Father John Murphy "seeing his chapel and his home, like many others of the parish on fire, and in several of them the inhabitants consumed in the flames . . . betook himself to the next wood, where he was soon surrounded by the unfortunate people who had escaped, all came beseeching his Reverence to tell them what was to become of them and their poor families. He answered them abruptly that they had better die courageously in the field than be butchered in their houses; that for his own part, if he had any brave men to join him, he was resolved to sell his life dearly, and prove to those cruel monsters that they should not continue their murders and devastations with impunity. All answered and cried out that they were determined to follow his advice, and to do whatever he ordered. 'Well, then,' he replied, 'we must, when night comes, get armed the best way we can, with pitchforks and other weapons, and attack the Camolin Yeomen cavalry on their way back to Mountmorris, where they will return to pass the night after satisfying their savage rage on the defenceless country people.''

Father John's plans succeeded-and by the arms taken in the ambush of the Camolin Yeomen that night, and at Camolin Park the next day, his men reinforced their pitchforks with more effective weapons. The following day, Whit Sunday, he won a great victory with his Pikemen on Oulart Hill and followed it with the capture in quick succession of Camolin, Ferns, Enniscorthy, and Wexford. In a few days that whole southeastern country was in the hands of the insurgents except Duncannon Fort and New Ross.

They had three encampments, one at Three Rocks, one seven miles west of Gorey, and one at Vinegar Hill, just outside Enniscorthy. An attempt was made on New Ross on the 5th June but it failed after desperate fighting and severe losses on both sides. A few days later Gorey and Carnew were captured and the way to Arklow lay open. This town was assaulted on the 9th June, but by this time strong reinforcements had been sent to the military

from Dublin. The battle lasted from four in the morning until late at night, but the death of Father Michael Murphy, charging bravely at the head of his column, turned what was on the point of being a success into a defeat.

Government made a huge effort to stamp out the flames, and General Lake, who had succeeded Abercrombie as Commander-inChief, took the field in person. On June 21st the insurgents were attacked by overwhelming forces and defeated at their last stronghold in Vinegar Hill.

Even Castlereagh was roused to unwilling admiration of the martial qualities and achievements of the "boys of Wexford." "He could never have believed," he said, "that untrained peasants could have fought so well." Compared with their exploits the Ulstermen, who had been the "backbone" of the United Irish movement, and its most ardent advocates, made a poor showing. It was not until the 7th of June that Ulster made any move. The explanation is that the Ulster leader, Simms, got cowardly and shirked his post. The Rev. Mr. Dickson, who was appointed to take his place, was arrested, and only that the gallant Henry Joy McCracken rose from a bed of illness to step into the gap, Ulster's disgrace would have been complete. Under McCracken an attack was made on Antrim town on 7th June, which was retained by the military after a desperate struggle. A few days later McCracken was taken prisoner, and after a summary trial, was executed in Belfast. He, for one, had faithfully kept the oath made on the bright June day three years earlier when he had stood with Tone on Cave Hill-and swore to sacrifice everything even life itself for Ireland's liberty.

The only other important engagements in Ulster were at Saintfield and Newtownards, where the insurgents were successful, and at Ballinahinch where Monroe and his United Men were defeated by General Nugent.

News of those events came in due time to Tone in France, and made him frantic with anxiety and impatience to be with his comrades in Ireland, sharing their desperate fortunes. The last entry in his Journal, written on the 20th June-his thirty-fifth birthday, and the eve of the Battle of Vinegar Hill-shows him straining every nerve to get the dilatory French authorities to hurry forward the promised aid while the Irish were still in the field. General Grouchy (who had never forgiven himself for not throwing Bouvet overboard in Bantry Bay when the latter, opposing the landing, lost the greatest chance France ever knew) did all he could to second him; but General Kilmaine was more inclined to take the