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is left free, though not left unrivalled. The greater its freedom, the greater must be your advantage. If you should lofe in one way, you will gain in

twenty.

Whilft I remain under this unalterable and powerful conviction, you will not wonder at the decided part I take. It is my cuftom fo to do, when I fee my way clearly before me; and when I know, that I am not misled by any paffion, or any perfonal intereft; which in this cafe, I am very fure, I am not. I find that difagreeable things are circulated among my constituents; and I wish my fentiments, which form my juftification, may be equally general with the circulation against me. I have the honour to be, with the greateft regard and efteem,

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MR. BURKE's SPEECH,

ON PRESENTING TO

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

(ON THE 11th FEBRUARY, 1780,)

A PLAN

FOR THE BETTER SECURITY OF

THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT,

AND

THE ECONOMICAL REFORMATION

OF

THE CIVIL

AND

OTHER ESTABLISHMENTS.

SPEECH, &c.

MR. SPEAKER,

RISE, in acquittal of my engagement to the house, in obedience to the ftrong and just requifition of my conftituents, and, I am perfuaded, in conformity to the unanimous wifhes of the whole nation, to fubmit to the wisdom of parliament, "A plan of reform in the conftitution of "feveral parts of the publick œconomy."

I have endeavoured, that this plan fhould include in its execution, a confiderable reduction of improper expence; that, it fhould effect a converfion of unprofitable titles into a productive estate; that, it fhould lead to, and indeed almost compel, a provident adminiftration of fuch fums of publick mo. ney as must remain under difcretionary trufts ; that, it should render the incurring debts on the civil establishment (which muft ultimately affect national strength and national credit) fo very difficult, as to become next to impracticable.

But what, I confefs, was uppermoft with me, what I bent the whole force of my mind to, was the reduction of that corrupt influence, which is it felf

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itself the perennial fpring of all prodigality, and of all diforder; which loads us, more than millions of debt; which takes away vigour from our arms, wisdom from our councils, and every fhadow of authority and credit from the most venerable parts of our conftitution.

Sir, I affure you, very folemnly, and with a very clear confcience, that nothing in the world has led me to fuch an undertaking, but my zeal for the honour of this house, and the settled, habitual, fyftematick affection I bear to the cause, and to the principles of government.

I enter perfectly into the nature and confequences of my attempt; and I advance to it with a tremour that shakes me to the inmoft fibre of my frame. I feel, that I engage in a business, in itself most ungracious, totally wide of the course of prudent conduct; and I really think, the most completely adverse that can be imagined to the natural turn and temper of my own mind. I know, that all parfimony is of a quality approaching to unkindnefs; and that (on fome perfon or other) every reform muft operate as a fort of punishment. Indeed the whole clafs of the fevere and restrictive virtues, are at a market almost too high for humanity. What is worse, there are very few of those virtues which are not capable of being imitated, and even outdone in many of their most striking effects, by the worft of vices. Malignity and envy

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