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ration of fame and virtue is an harfh divorce. Liberty is in danger of being made unpopular to Englishmen. Contending for an imaginary power, we begin to acquire the spirit of domination, and to lose the relish of honeft equality. The principles of our forefathers become suspected to us, because we see them animating the prefent oppofition of our children. The faults which grow out of the luxuriance of freedom, appear much more shocking to us, than the bafe vices which are generated from the ranknefs of fervitude. Accordingly the leaft refiftance to power appears more inexcufable in our eyes than the greatest abuses of authority. All dread of a standing military force is looked upon as a fuperftitious panick. All fhame of calling in foreigners and favages in a civil conteft is worn off. We grow indifferent to the confequences inevitable to ourselves from the plan of ruling half the empire by a mercenary fword. We are taught to believe that a defire of domineering over our countrymen is love to our country; that those who hate civil war abet rebellion, and that the amiable and conciliatory virtues of lenity, moderation, and tenderness to the privileges of thofe who depend on this kingdom are a fort of treafon to the ftate.

It is impoffible that we should remain long in a fituation, which breeds fuch notions and disposi

tions,

fions, without fome great alteration in the national character. Those ingenuous and feeling minds who are so fortified against all other things, and fo unarmed to whatever approaches in the fhape of difgrace, finding these principles, which they confidered as fure means of honour, to be grown into difrepute, will retire difheartened and disgufted. Those of a more robust make, the bold, able, ambitious men, who pay fome of their court to power through the people, and fubftitute the voice of tranfient opinion in the place of true glory, will give into the general mode; and those fuperiour understandings which ought to correct vulgar prejudice, will confirm and aggravate its errours. Many things have been long operating towards a gradual change in our principles. But this American war has done more in a very few years than all the other caufes could have effected in a century. It is therefore not on its own separate account, but because of its attendant circumftances, that I confider its continuance, or its ending in any way but that of an honourable and liberal accommodation, as the greatest evils which can befal us. For that reafon I have troubled you with this long letter. For that reafon I intreat you again and again, neither to be perfuaded, fhamed, or frighted out of the principles that have hitherto led fo many of you to abhor the

war,

war, its caufe, and its confequences. Let us not be amongst the firft who renounce the maxims of our forefathers.

I have the honour to be,

GENTLEMEN,

Your most obedient,

And faithful humble fervant,

EDMUND BURKE.

Beaconsfield,

April 3, 1777.

P. S. You may communicate this letter in any manner you think proper to my constituents.

TWO

TWO LETTERS

FROM

MR. BURKE,

ΤΟ

GENTLEMEN IN THE CITY OF BRISTOL,

ON THE

BILLS DEPENDING IN PARLIAMENT

RELATIVE TO THE

TRADE OF IRELAND.

1778.

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