conjunction, and most for the glory of the king's reign, and the preservation of his dominions, that ever he entered into. And this he did, not only to gratify France, whose pensioner, as wel as whose corfederate he hath been, but to leave the protestants here naked to the attempts of the papists. For he knew, that, while that league continued firm, the King of Sweden, and the States of Holland, would have construed all designs upon the protestants in England, as done against those of the same religion with themselves, and in favour of whose profession they had entered into that alliance. 9. He hath not only maintained correspondence with foreign princes, to the betraying the king's counsels, but hath confederated with them for the extirpation of our religion, and overthrowing our legal govern. ment. And besides many other evidences of this, which it is not convenient to mention at present: the depositions, which arrived with the committee of secrecy during the session of the late parliament, to gether with Coleman's letters, and that which he wrote in the duke's name, and indeed by his command, do uncontroulably demonstrate it. 10. He was consenting to, and hath co-operated in the whole popish plot, for both his confessor and his secretary did, with his knowledge and approbation, seal the resolves for the king's death. 11. It was the duke, who, when the king had revealed the first discovery of the hellish Romish plot to him, immediately communicated it to Father Bedingfield, that so the conspirators might know how to secure their papers, and abscond themselves. 12. It was he, who, through his command over the post-office, prevented the intercepting the letters from St. Omers, and other foreign seminaries, whereby that whole damnable conspiracy would have been more fully detected. 13. He employed his own duchess to transport several of the traytors to Holland, that so they might escape the search that was made for them, and the punishment they had deserved. 14. It was he who suborned, encouraged, and rewarded the vilest miscreants to frame and swear a plot against the protestants; and this he did to beget a disbelief of the popish conspiracy, and in order to destroy such of the nobility and gentry, as were the chief assertors of the reformed religion, and English liberty. 15. It was he, who advised the several prorogations and dissolutions of parliaments, whensoever they were either considering the bleeding condition of the protestant interest abroad, or supplicating the king to an alliance with protestant princes for its protection and preservation. 16. It was he, in whose favour the dissolution of the last parliament was procured, and who hath prevented the sitting of this, after eight several times appointed for their meeting. And all to hinder the trial of the traitorous lords in the tower, and to obstruct the further search into the many hellish plots, wherein himself and the rest of the papists are engaged, for the subversion of our religion and laws, and the destruction of the lives of his majesty and people. And how much he hath lessened his majesty's interest in the hearts of his subjects, and weakened their confidence in his royal word, by obliging him to treat this parliament as he hath done, seeing, in his speech to both houses, March 6, 1678, he had so solemnly declared his resolution to meet his people frequently in parliaments; and into what straits and wants they have thereby also reduced him, I shall rather leave your lordship silently to consider, than take upon me at this time to unfold. 17. It was he, who, after he had for so many years promoted the aiding and succouring of France with English forces, 'till that aspiring prince was ascending to a power and greatness, not to be in any probability withstood or controuled, did at last engage his majesty in making the general peace, which is a thing so highly prejudicial to all Europe, in the unavoidable consequences of it. 18. It was he who countenanced and enlivened the late traitorous combination of apprentices and ruffians, and who, together with the lords in the tower, issued out the money, both for the expences of their entertainments, and for the providing them with arms, to disturb the peace of the city and kingdom, and assault the houses and lives of his majesty's liege people. 19. It is he who hath inrolled and secretly mustered men in all counties of England, and who, besides the English papists, whom, at this time, he hath called from all parts of the nation to London, it is also provided of a great number of Irish, who formerly washed their hands in the blood of protestants, or are the genuine offspring of those that did. Now, being thus furnished and invironed, he is resolved (unless God in his providence miraculously interpose) to put all to a venture, and play over the same game in England, that was, heretofore, acted in Ireland. 20. It is he who cherisheth in his bosom, and exalteth to the highest trusts, such as Colonel Worden, who betrayed his majesty's secrets to the usurping powers, particularly to Mr. Scot. Nay, himself may be charged with many things, in those times, whereby we may ap parently discover both his treachery to his majesty, and his ambition to have usurped the crown from him. For, when a loyal party of the English fleet had espoused his majesty's right and title, against the enemies of his crown and person, the duke, who, being then aboard, should have encouraged, and ventured his life in conjunction with them, did, instead thereof, by a most shameful and disloyal deserting of them, both discourage them in their fidelity, and, so far as in him lay, oblige them to compound for themselves, with a seclusion of his majesty's interest. Yea, besides this, when the Scots were treating with the king at Breda, in order to the establishing him in the throne of that kingdom, the Duke of York was, at that very time, transacting with such as remained faithful to the king's title here, that they would renounce his elder brother, and chuse him for their sovereign. Nor do I believe, that his majesty can forget the occasion and design upon which the duke forsook him at Bruges, and withdrew to Holland; so that the king was necessitated not only to command him, upon his allegiance, to return, but was forced to send the Duke of Ormond, and some other persons of quality, to threaten, as well as persuade him, before he would go back. 21. It is he, who, not thinking the declaration enough to facilitate his ascension to the throne, or to secure him from resistance in the at tempts he purposeth upon our lives and liberties, hath been, and still is endeavouring to be admitted, and let further into the government, and, accordingly, hath accosted the king, by my Lord Durass, in that matter. This is the more surprising, forasmuch as one would think, that it is not possible he should be further let into the government, having Berwick, Hull, Langer-point, Sheerness, Portsmouth, and the maga zine of the Tower (Legg being now master of the ordnance) in the hands of his sworn vassals and creatures; and having also the superintendency of all civil affairs in him, unless, by taking the scepter actually into his hand, he should confine the king to a country house, and an annual pension. And his partisans about the town talk of no less, than the having the duke crowned, during the king's life, as Henry the Second, though upon far different reasons, was crowned, in conjunction with King Stephen. And I wish that what the brother of the King of Portugal hath, of late years, effected against his prince, did not awaken our jealousy to fear that the same may be attempted, by a dispensation from the infallible chair elsewhere. However, they have taken care, should they accomplish this design, that they may not be obliged to entertain our Catharine, as they, in Portugal, did the French madam, married to Alphonso; forasmuch as the best part of the portion with our princess, namely Tangier, is, through the courage and conduct of my Lord Inchequine, one of the duke's greatest confidents, as good as disposed of. But, should they proceed in this design against his majesty, it becomes all his majesty's good subjects to endeavour, as one man, the rescuing him from under their power, seeing the very designment of such a thing is a treason of so high a nature against the king, that we should be wanting in our allegiance, should we not apply ourselves in the use of all possible ways and means to punish and avenge, as well as prevent the execution of it. Now, my lord, these are but few of the many particulars, by which we are sufficiently enlightened concerning the Duke of York; and we may abundantly learn from these, how much we are indebted to his majesty for his grace, favour, and care, in appointing such a one after him to succeed over us. Do not all our fears hereupon immediately vanish and die; and hope, joy, and gladness revive in our hearts, on this prospect, with the king hath given us of so good an heir? But, poor prince, we at once compassionate and forgive him, knowing that this proceeds not from his inclination, but that he hath been hurried and forced to it. Nor do we need any further assurance of the inward propensions of his majesty's heart, and the dislike his breast is filled with for what he hath done, but the endeavours which he used, under daily and manifold importunities to the contrary, to have avoided it, and the sadness which appears in his countenance, since over-awed to publish this declaration. And as for the Duke of York, let him not deceive himself; for as he may perceive by this, that we fully understand him, and know the kindness he entertains for us; so we are prepared for him, and resolved to return unto him, and his, in the kind they intend to bring. For, having both divine and human laws on our side, we are resolved neither to be papists nor slaves, and, consequently, not to be subjects to him, who hath avowed either utterly to extirpate us, or to reduce and compel us to be both the one and the other. Lastly, for the issuing of all this controversy, concerning whose right it is to succeed next after his majesty, men, here about the town, accustomed to discourse, think that there need but two proposals, and those very rational ones, to be made. The first is, that, the parliament being admitted to sit, they may examine this affair, whereof they alone are competent judges. Whatsoever declarations may otherwise signify, yet it is a principle which can never be obliterated out of the minds of Englishmen, that they are neither binding laws, nor can alienate or extinguish the rights of any. Shall the son of a common person be allowed the liberty to justify his legitimacy, in case his father prove so forgetful, or so unnatural, as to disclaim him? And shall the Duke of Monmouth, merely by being the son of a king, forfeit this just and universal privilege? If his majesty was indeed married to that discountenanced gentleman's mo ther, he is, by our laws, the son of the kingdom, as well as the son of King Charles. And therefore it is necessary, as well as fit, that the people should, in all due and legal ways, understand whether they have any interest or not in him, before they be commanded to renounce him, or resign it. All therefore we desire is, that this matter may be impartially and fairly heard; and that before those, who alone have right to be judges of it; and, as no other course but this can satisfy the minds of people, so it cannot be expected that, upon the authority of a declaration, especially gotten as this was, they should sacrifice the share, which, for any thing yet appears, they have in him, as their apparent prince and next heir to the throne. And, unless this be obtained, the people will, undoubtedly, think their own rights invaded, whatsoever the said duke judgeth of his. The second thing we would humbly beg, as well as propose, is, that, the parliament being called to sit, the Duke of York may be legally tried for his manifold treasons and conspiracies against the king and kingdom. For, if he be innocent, and that the right of succession be his, all men will quietly acquiesce under him; but, if he should prove guilty, as we no wise question but that he will, shall his treasons, when a subject, qualify him to be a king, and pave the way for his rising to the throne? According to all equity, as well as law, he ought first to justify himself from all traitorous attempts and acts against the king and people, before he be allowed to have his claim heard, con cerning any title that, in time to come, he may have to rule over these nations. I shall subjoin no more at present, save that London, June the 10th, 1681. I am, Your most obedient Servant. THE TEARS OF THE PRESS, WITH REFLECTIONS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF ENGLAND. London, printed and are to be sold by Richard Janeway, in Queen's-head Alley, in Paternoster Row, 1681. Quarto, containing nine pages. THE HE Press might be employed against, or for itself, according to the good, or hurt, its labours have spread abroad in the world. Look on them on the one side, you will confess, the tears of the press were but the livery of its guilt; nor is the paper more stained, than authors, or readers. The invention of printing, whether as mischievous as that of guns, is doubtful. The ink hath poison in it, the historian, as well as naturalist, will confess; for, impannel a jury of inquest, whence learning, or religion, hath been poisoned, and scribendi cacoethes, dabbling in ink, will be found guilty. For, 6 Learning hath surfeited us; for, amongst other excesses, that of learning may surfeit us, according to Tacitus; and this was true before printing, when the cure of the disease most are sick (nisi te scire hoc sciat alter) of publishing; which was harder, by reason of laborious transcription, vanity, or contradictions employing the pen even then. Of the former, let Didymus the grammarian lead the van; of whom Seneca saith, Quatuor millia librorum scripsit; miser, si tam multa supervacua legisset! that he wrote four thousand books; miserable man, if he had read so many pamphlets! And, in those controversies about Homer's country; whether Anacreon offended more in incontinence, or intemperance, &c. most of them being stuffed with such, or grammatical questions: a disease continued, if not increased since printing, two much declining things for the declension of words: witness such laborious works in criticisms needless. (I asperse not the wise choice of useful queries in that study.) The result, it may be, of many pages is the alteration of a word or letter, its addition, or subtraction. O painful waste-paper! How empty is the press oftentimes, when fullest? Empty we must acknowledge that, which vanity filleth, as we may well think, when it issueth some poetick legend of some love-martyr, or some pious romance of more than saints ever did; or some fool, busied about government, in the neglect of his own affairs and sphere. What pamphlets these late times have swarmed with, the studious shop. keeper knoweth, who spendeth no small time at the bulk, in reading and censuring modern controversies, or news; and will be readier to tell you what the times lack, than to ask you, what you lack? We live in an age, wherein was never less quarter given to paper. Should Boccalini's parliament of Parnassus be called among us, I fear our shops would be filled with printed waste-paper, condemned to tobacco, fruit, |