be confusion, disasters, and measures subversive of the constitution itself.

Shall we, then, Sir, with our eyes open, and with the means of avoiding those evils within our reach, expose ourselves to the risk-not, indeed, of a disputed or doubtful succession-but to a risk only second to it, that of having the powers of the Crown devolve into hands totally incompetent to discharge the duties of the office. For aught we know, that very incompetency might be the occasion of an act, subversive at once of all the rights, privileges, and prerogatives of the Crown. I do not, of course, mean to say, that such dangers must end in such disasters; but ought we needlessly to expose ourselves to the peril, and would that exposure tend either to the security of the throne, or to the happiness of the people? Again, let me observe, that we are not only called upon to deal with this question, but with others necessarily included in the Address; and yet upon none of these are we to be allowed even twenty-four hours for deliberation.

With respect to the Civil List, my right honourable friend says, that we are not at present to touch it; and I confess that I do not see so strongly as some honourable members, the inconvenience of postponing the permanent arrangement until the meeting of a new parliament. I think that Government ought to have time to discuss and weigh all the details; and when this plan is at length brought forward, it ought to be referred to a select committee, who must have time to consider it. Therefore I do not view with jealousy or alarm, the proposal to continue the present Civil List for a short period, on the understanding that no part of the new arrangement is thereby prejudged.

But what does this address next require us to do? Why, Sir, to determine that all the important measures which

have occupied us so unceasingly during one of the longest and most arduous sessions ever known, should be at once dropped and abandoned. To say the best of it, this is to stultify Parliament in the eyes of the country; for we must declare, that all the measures which, at the opening of the session, came recommended from the Throne, as essential to the well-being of the country, and all the other measures which have occupied so much of our deliberate attention, are to be gratuitously and unnecessarily abandoned. What will the country think of Parliament, and those who directed the measures in question, if we at once break off, doing literally nothing? Do I say, nothing? We have done worse than nothing. Measures have been brought

forward, and withdrawn, after they have been discussed and almost brought to maturity; and now the measures which have been proposed in lieu of them are about to be abandoned in like manner. We could not, last night, extract from the Chancellor of the Exchequer what he meant to do with the sugar duties; and yet now, on a Wednesday, which is not usually devoted to business, we are required to decide at once upon one of the most important topics that could engage the attention of the legis lature. I do not dwell upon the danger and confusion-which itself is danger-to arise from the fatal and unlookedfor demise of the Crown, when, if the course now suggested be adopted, there will exist no executive authority, except by means of one of those temporary expedients, which I am sorry to say, have, of late, been too much the fashion. An order in council, or a message from the Treasury, directing duties to be levied which are not due in law, and the payment of which the subject is entitled to refuse, might temporarily settle the question of the sugar duties. But what I am now about to refer to goes to the very root and foundation of the monarchy itself; and is that,

Sir, to be settled by an order in council? What I contend for is this that there are risks which it is, in no way, necessary to incur. Let us settle the Regency now, and not leave it to a period of unforeseen calamity, when all the excitement of party animosities would be in violent operation, and when we should be deprived of the reliance we might be disposed to make on the executive Government.

I cannot too often press upon the House, that all that we ask, in order to avoid the chance of the evils which I have pointed out, is a delay of twenty-four hours. As to the Estimates, is it too much to ask for a delay of twenty-four hours, before we decide whether we shall grant ministers a vote of credit, or whether we shall proceed with the supplies in the regular parliamentary course? That course was settled by the wisdom of our ancestors; and shall we determine, upon the spot, to depart from it, lest some new candidate should unexpectedly get the start of, and thereby derange the interests of, some favoured member? We have still six months before us, for the consideration of these great questions. In that time, or in a portion of it, we might consider the questions which press on our attention. If we do so, we shall stand right with the country. But if we consent to take the course now proposed, heavy indeed will be the responsibility which will rest on members of this House; and fifty-fold heavier, in the event of the calamity occurring to which I have so often alluded, will be the responsibility which will rest upon the heads of ministers, who could advise the Crown to dissolve parliament without making some provision for such a contingency.

On these grounds, Sir, I implore my right honourable friend to reconsider his proposition, and to allow the House the few hours we require for deliberation. I implore him the more earnestly, because we are now in the last day of June, and how shall we be more competent to consider this great question in September than in July? The

attention of Parliament has been not unfrequently called upon to consider matters of importance in the month of July, and even in August; and I can see no possible reason why the advisers of the Crown should recommend the re-assembling of the two Houses at so inconvenient a period of the year as September. That Parliament, if now dissolved, will be re-assembled immediately after the writs are returnable, I have no doubt; but I never can believe, that in a new Parliament, with probably two or three hundred new members, there will be more wisdom, or more capability of doing justice to the great questions connected with the public interest, than in the present House of Commons, with the assistance of all its experience. And then, Sir, Government will crown their grand-I was going to say absurdity, but I will not use any harsh expression—their grand inconsistency of proceeding-If the fatal contingency of the demise of the Crown should take place before the new writs are returnable, ministers will be obliged to reassemble the old, incompetent, condemned Parliament, to discuss, under circumstances of accumulated difficulties, alarm, and insecurity, those questions connected with all our great constitutional establishments, which might now be calmly and quietly disposed of.

The House divided: For the Address, 193. For the Amendment, 146. Majority against the Amendment, 47.

LABOURERS' WAGES BILL-TRUCK SYSTEM.

July 5.

On the 17th of March, Mr. Littleton called the attention of the House to the Truck System, and concluded an able address with moving for leave to bring in a bill, "to render more effectual the Laws requiring Payment of Wages in Money."

Mr. HUSKISSON complimented his honourable friend, the member for Staffordshire, on the good feeling which per

vaded every part of his eloquent appeal to the humanity and justice of the House. With his honourable friend, he agreed, that the House ought to legislate on this subject; but he was not entirely prepared to say, that the measure of his honourable friend came fully up to his views. He readily admitted that the Truck system was a great evil, and ought to be abated; but the interference involved other principles and other considerations, which his honourable friend had not, he thought, taken sufficiently into his

account.

He would not then argue the question, as his honourable friend, to his regret, had selected a day for introducing the subject, which was generally understood not to be one for the debate of any important subject. He would recom mend that some more convenient opportunity should be taken to discuss the measure. It involved the contentment and well-being of a portion of the community every way entitled to the consideration of the House; and he well knew that the suffering of those who already endured a great deal, would be much aggravated, if Parliament were to allow the value of their labour to be measured by any other standard, than the one generally adopted by the community as the measure of value. But he would here stop,-only repeating his hope, that the House would not then be pressed into a discussion of the question.

Mr. Littleton obtained leave to bring in the said Bill; and this day, on the motion for going into a committee upon it,

Mr. HUSKISSON said, that if, as had been stated, the present system of paying the labourers gave a profit of ten per cent. to the manufacturer, the Parliament not only ought not to put it down by any legislative enactment, but should compel every manufacturer to pay in truck, and not in money wages; but he denied that the system had any such effect. It was, no doubt, of some advantage to the