without any other consideration than that which guided my decision upon that question. Again, then, I will express a hope that the bill will pass, and form the consummation of that course of liberality, which will immortalize the present Parliament.

The house divided: For the second reading, 165. Against it, 228.

MR. HUSKISSON'S EXPOSITION OF THE STATE OF OUR POLITICAL AND COMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH MEXICO.

May 20.

In pursuance of his notice, that he would this day present a Petition from Liverpool, respecting the present state of our political and commercial relations with Mexico,

Mr. HUSKISSON rose and said:

The

The petition, Sir, which I now rise to present, is one which, in my judgment, connects itself with interests and considerations of the highest importance to this country. I trust that this will afford some apology for me, if I venture upon this occasion to detain the House longer than is usual, or, generally speaking, acceptable, upon the presentation of petitions. petitioners are that portion of the merchants of Liverpool, who are engaged in dealings and commercial intercourse with the State of Mexico. In substance, their petition is entirely in accordance with the representations which have been made to this House by other great trading and manufacturing communities-Glasgow, Manchester, London, and other places, whose pursuits give them an equal interest in the condition of the New States of America. The petition states that, since Mexico became independent, its trade with this country has increased; that it now forms a very important item of our foreign commerce, and that it is sus

ceptible, under favourable circumstances, of a still greater increase; that it has, however, unfortunately been exposed to various interruptions, losses, and uncertainties, in consequence of occasional enterprises undertaken against Mexico from Cuba, and that these enterprises have been the cause of considerable disorders in Mexico, and of expense and losses, which fall mainly upon neutral commerce. The petitioners further state that, last summer, an expedition was despatched from Cuba, which entailed great losses upon British subjects, and they add, that they have reason to believe that other expeditions of a similar nature are fitting out. Such are some of the statements contained in the petition.

Of the magnitude and importance of the objects at stake there cannot be two opinions. When we look at the extent and peculiar productions of the Mexican territory-at its actual population-a population now amounting to nearly seven millions, and capable of being greatly increased—a population, not our rivals in shipping or manufactures, but able and willing to afford us the mineral productions of their country, in return for our goods, to the great encouragement of our trading and shipping interests-it will appear to all, that we are deeply interested in the tranquillity, welfare, and prosperity of Mexico. Upon the value of our political connexion with that country-upon the importance of its being able to maintain itself in a state of entire and secure independence—I will not now expatiate, though I shall have occasion to notice this consideration before I sit down. The petitioners pray the House, "to adopt measures to protect their interests, and induce Spain to desist from such expeditions, or else to prevent them, as they can only terminate in disgrace and loss to herself, and injury to other parties connected with Mexico." There are two questions which naturally arise from considering this prayer. First, have we the right, or rather have we

not incurred the obligation, to interfere for the purpose of preventing the attacks of Spain upon the New States,-at least attacks proceeding from Cuba? Secondly, if we have not incurred that peculiar obligation, have we not, nevertheless, a general right, in common with all maritime neutral states, or I might say in common with all civilized nations, to insist upon a suspension of hostilities between Spain and her late colonies on the continent of AmericaI say, "a suspension of hostilities," because, whilst I shall contend that neutral nations have that right, I fully admit that they cannot carry it further, and that the time and mode of recognition is a question for Spain, and not for them, to determine.

First, in respect to our peculiar obligation to prevent attacks from Cuba, I will state, as I understand them, the facts and circumstances which bear upon this question. Late in the year 1824, or I believe in the beginning of 1825, when this country had recently recognized Colombia and Mexico as independent powers, those States, being belligerents against Spain, thought proper, with a view to prevent attacks upon their own territories, to concert an attack on the island of Cuba. On the part of Mexico, a very considerable body of forces assembled at Campeachy, under the command of General Santa Anna, the same to whom General Barradas surrendered last autumn. Colombia had collected her naval forces at Carthagena, and had brought down some of her best troops for the purpose of aiding in a descent on Cuba. At that time the island thus menaced was weakly garrisoned, and such a feeling prevailed amongst the inhabitants, as rendered it probable that it might separate itself from the mother country, if opportunity and encouragement were afforded. When I recollect that at the period in question the two powers -Mexico and Colombia-possessed great financial and other resources, joined with high credit, it is only reasonable to

conclude that the attempt upon Cuba, if made, would have been successful. But the matter does not rest upon my conjecture or my authority; I shall quote the authority of an individual, whose official station in the Government of the United States gave him the most ample means of information-means, of which, doubtless, he made the best use, as his country was deeply interested in the question. The authority to which I allude is contained in a letter addressed by Mr. Clay, then Secretary of State, to one of the ministers of the United States in Europe, and dated the 10th of May 1825, from which the following is an extract : "The success of the enterprise is by no means improbable. Their (Colombia and Mexico) proximity to the islands (Cuba and Porto Rico), and their armies being perfectly acclimated, will give to the united efforts of the republics great advantages. And if with these be taken into the estimate, the important and well-known fact, that a large portion of the inhabitants of the island is predisposed to a separation from Spain, and would, therefore, form a powerful auxiliary to the republican arms, their success becomes almost certain."

In a subsequent letter, written in the same year, Mr. Clay says, "The fall of the castle of Saint Juan de Ulloa, which capitulated on the 18th day of last month, cannot fail to have a powerful effect within that kingdom (Spain). We are informed that when information of it reached the Havannah, it produced great and general sensation; and that the local government immediately dispatched a fastsailing vessel to Cadiz to communicate the event, and, in its name, to implore the King immediately to terminate the war and acknowledge the new republics, as the only means of preserving Cuba to the monarchy."

I believe, that it would not have been preserved but for the interposition of the United States and his Majesty's Government, which both directed their efforts, though

acting without concert, and upon a view of their own separate interests, to prevent the severing of Cuba from the Crown of Spain. The meditated attack naturally excited uneasiness in this country and in the United States. The position of Cuba induced America to interpose, for the purpose of persuading the New States to abandon the expedition; and Mr. Canning on the part of the British Government, had, I doubt not (although no official record of the fact appears to have been preserved in the records of the Foreign Office), an interview with the Mexican and Colombian ministers on the subject. Mr. Canning is understood to have explained to those individuals the feelings of pain and regret with which England viewed the progress of the expedition; and to have added, that we should not be indifferent to any event that might tend to disturb the tranquillity of Cuba. I have a general recollection that the ministry of this country did thus interpose, and I feel bound to say, that those who advised his Majesty at that period would have been guilty of a great oversight and neglect of duty, if they had not endeavoured to prevent an attempt, which, by making Cuba the theatre of a civil war, a war in which the black population would almost inevitably have taken a part, might not only have endangered the safety of the most valuable colony of Great Britain, but would, in its results, have exposed to great hazard the state of peace now happily existing between all the great maritime powers of the world.

It is probable that Mr. Canning urged as a further motive for forbearance on the part of Mexico and Colombia, that they would thereby place this country in a better situation to mediate and call upon Spain to listen to propositions of amity and conciliation as between her and her late colonies. But, be that as it may, these states were clearly inclined at the time (as their conduct shewed) to receive with the greatest deference the expression of the wishes of