mode of proceeding, which could take place between gentlemen on such an occasion. But if it be considered a pledge, I will appeal to the House whether, both in the construction of the committee, and the principles of the government, in proposing it to the House, that pledge has not been most fully and honourably redeemed?

I will not dwell further on this subject; and this explanation now given, no misrepresentations that may be attempted, possibly purposely attempted, in the hope of sowing the seeds of disunion and mistrust,-shall ever induce me again to revert to it.

Sir, there remains only one other point, of a very painful nature, upon which I wish to say a word. This question, I understand, has been directly addressed to me in another place, and where I could not possibly answer it—“ Did not I declare, that I never would belong to an administration of which the Duke of Wellington and my right honourable friend near me, formed a part?" I answer emphatically and positively, that I never made such a declaration as that which this question assumes. Looking to the quarter from which the question was put, respecting the pious feelings by which it was suggested, reverencing with equal piety the memory of him, whose memory it is mistakenly, as I conceive, intended to serve, I wish to say no more. As far as private feelings of this nature are a fit subject for public notice in parliament, the question, I know, was most satisfactorily replied to in the place where it was put.

Sir, it has been my misfortune-the necessary consequence of the course which I have pursued in this House, but in which course I shall persevere,-to be exposed to much obloquy and misconception, from two opposite classes of the community-those who make it a matter of pride and duty to oppose all improvement, simply because improvement implies innovation ;-and those who look to principles in the abstract, and think that they can be applied without regard

to the complicated and artificial state of society in which we exist, and without taking into account the feelings, and even the honest prejudices, of respectable classes of the community. I have endeavoured to steer a steady course between these extremes-a course, I am well aware, of which the zealots in neither of these two parties can wholly approve; but in which I hope and believe that I shall continue to receive the support of those, to whom I have been hitherto indebted for support in the councils of the country, both in Government and in this House; and if there be any who may build their hopes of driving me from that sober and temperate course, by attempting to create disunion and mistrust, I shall only find in such attemps an additional motive for cordial co-operation and increased confidence.

Every public man, I think, is bound to obey the call of his Sovereign, in respect to the public service, if there be nothing in that call inconsistent with his personal honour and declared principles. It is from this sense of duty that I am now in office. Honoured beyond my deserts, by the confidence of my King, in calling me to the situation which I now fill, and by the approbation which I have hitherto found in this House and the country, I seek no other honours; I have no ambition for any other. I have no personal gratification in view. On the other hand, admonished by increasing years and declining strength, by uncertain health, and the natural and growing desire of tranquillity, if I find that I have not the confidence of my colleagues in office, and that measures which I think necessary do not meet with their concurrence, I shall not be slow to seek retirement, and to afford to my noble friend the opportunity of placing the seals which I now hold in more efficient hands.

Mr. Duncombe having stated, in the course of the debate, that Mr. Huskisson had declared, that nothing should ever induce him to unite in office with the enemies of his late friend,

Mr. Secretary HUSKISSON rose to explain. He said, he trusted that his peculiar situation would excuse his intrusion upon the House for a few moments. The declaration of the honourable member opposite, as to what he had heard of his pledge not to join the opponents of Mr. Canning-those words of his which the honourable member had converted into a pledge, and which he could only have heard by some scandalous violation of private confidence— had been so much talked of, and so grossly misrepresented, that he would state what they really were. He had never uttered any thing like the words that were imputed to him; namely, "that he would never again take office with those who had persecuted Mr. Canning to the death”—to the death, or to destruction; for it mattered little what the precise expression was which was thus sought to be put into his mouth. What he had said was this-when he returned to England in August, he had used the expression, that "his wounds were too green and too fresh, to admit of his serving in the same ministry with those who had deserted the service of their country, when the ministry of his friend, Mr. Canning, had been formed.” plained scarcely less of the violation of private confidence which would have betrayed his real words, than of their conversion into the monstrous calumny which he had now refuted; but there was a difference, and a wide one, between his speaking of his feelings while his wounds were green and fresh, and a declaration of hostility, which was to bind his conduct to eternity. The right honourable gentleman went on to justify himself against the want of confidence imputed to him by the right honourable member for Knaresborough. If there had been any design or any cabal, to him it was entirely unknown. So late as the 26th of December, he had the firmest intention of remaining in the councils of the country. Of this he could not give a stronger proof than by stating, that after that time

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two persons of great eminence, politically opposed to him, had intimated plainly, that the embarrassments of the Government were so evident, that some measures ought to be taken, and that they were disposed to address the King upon the subject. To this communication he had answered, that the point was one upon which he could give no opinion; but that, whatever resolution they might take, he thought they ought decidedly to state it first to Lord Goderich. It was in consequence of this occurrence, that Lord Goderich had waited on his Majesty on the 8th of January; and at that time he had absolutely not been aware whether the noble lord went to submit his grievances to the King, or to propose some plan by which those grievances might be remedied.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS. February 26.

Lord John Russell moved, "That this House will resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to consider of so much of the Acts of the 13th and 25th of Charles II, as requires persons, before they are admitted into any office or place in Corporations, or having accepted any office, naval or military, or any place of trust under the Crown, to receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the Rites of the Church of England." After the motion had been supported by Mr. John Smith, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Wilbraham, and Mr. Fergusson, and opposed by Sir R. Inglis, and Mr. R. Palmer, Mr. Secretary HUSKISSON rose and said :-*

If I look in the abstract, at the laws which it is the object of the noble lord's motion to repeal, I certainly cannot but regret that they are to be found upon our statute book; but I equally regret that, under the present circumstances of the country, and at the present time, this motion is made for their repeal. I regret it because the motion, in my judgment, does not go to the cure of any

From Mr. Huskisson's MS. notes.

great practical grievance, and because, whether it fail or succeed, its almost unavoidable tendency-(I hope it may not be its effect)—is to produce one.

If, then, Sir, the motion is not directed to the cure of some urgent grievance, the agitation of it at present must militate against another and a more important question, and which involves grievances of a practical and distressing nature. The honourable gentleman who spoke last but one* laid great stress upon the grievances of which the Dissenters have to complain. But if the honourable gentleman knows any thing of the laws or constitution of this country, he must know that those grievances are rather of an imaginary character. Is the career of

honour closed against the Dissenter? Can he not be a sharer in the laurels of Waterloo or Trafalgar? Can he not reach the highest offices in the service of his country? There is no situation in the army or the navy which does not lie open to him; and I have yet to learn what obstacles exist against the honourable ambition of the Dissenters. They are qualified to fill the first military offices; and they have their full share of the civil power of the country. I state facts which do not admit of contradiction. Are there any of the honourable member's industrious and intelligent countrymen who entertain the least apprehension that any law can interfere between them and the prosecution of their efforts to obtain independence and station?

When I recollect that I have had the honour of a seat in this house for two and thirty years, and that amidst all the discussions of that long period, this is the first time that I have been called upon to approach this subject—that now near forty years have clapsed since it has been agitated in this House,-I think I should be warranted in concluding from this fact alone, that the grievance complained of is not one of a very pinching or pressing nature.

Mr. R. Cutlar Fergusson.

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