defended by his own partizans, and the majesty, ever thoughtful of the welfare resolution passed, declaring him as "an and happiness of his subjects, would enemy to his country," even for asserting graciously consent and recommend it to the rightful independence of that very them that such part of the money then Parliament which had proscribed him. remaining in his treasury, as should be This event befell in 1749; a reward was thought consistent with the public service, offered for the apprehension of Lucas, be applied towards the further reduction and he fled from the kingdom. As usual of the national debt. "Consent" involved in such cases, the persecution directed a principle, and the Commons took fire against him attracted more attention to at the word. They framed the bill, his writings and bred more sympathy with appropriating £120,000 for the purpose his principles; so that when he returned a already stated, and omitted in its prefew years after, he became, for a time, the amble all mention of the consent. But most popular man in the kingdom. To in- ministers returned it with an alteration ternational questions thus narrowed down in the preamble signifying the consent, and to the mere right of voting or withholding containing the indispensable word. And money, it was impossible to give any high the House, unwilling to drive the matter constitutional interest, and, in fact, dur- to extremities, passed the bill without ing this administration not a single step further notice. Thus was established a in advance was gained by the "Patriot " precedent for the King of England conparty. The struggle for power and senting to the Irish Parliament voting influence between Primate Stone and their own money. So far had the difSpeaker Boyle "was no more," says Mac-ferences proceeded, when Mr Pelham died, Nevin, "than the struggle of two ambitious and powerful men for their own ends."

and the Duke of Newcastle, who succeeded him as prime minister, zealous to uphold In 1751 Lord Harrington was recalled. the prerogative, to improve upon the preThe Duke of Dorset, for the second time, cedent, and to repeat the lesson just given came to Ireland as lord-lieutenant, and the to the aspiring colonists of Ireland, sent question of Irish parliamentary control positive directions to Dorset, in opening over the revenues of the country came at the session of 1753, to repeat the expreslast to a crisis, and received a solution very sion of his majesty's gracious consent in little to the comfort of the Patriots. In mentioning the application of surplus the last session under Harrington's vice- revenue. The House, in their Address, royalty, as there was a considerable sur- not only again omitted all reference to plus in the Irish Exchequer, the House of that gracious consent, but even the former Commons determined to apply it towards expressions of grateful acknowledgment; the discharge of the national debt. A and the bill of supplies was actually bill had been accordingly prepared and transmitted to England without the usual transmitted to England with this view, complimentary preamble. The ministers to which was affixed the preamble: of the Crown in England, in their great "Whereas on the 25th of March last a wisdom, thought fit to supply it thus: considerable balance remained in the hands" And your majesty, ever attentive to the of the vice-treasurers or receivers-general of the kingdom, or their deputy or deputies, unapplied; and it will be for your majesty's service, and for the ease of your faithful subjects in this kingdom, that so much thereof as can be conveniently spared should be paid, agreeably to your majesty's most gracious intention, in discharge of part of the national debt," &c. On the transmission of this bill to London (Mr. Pelham being then prime minister), it was urged by the warm partisans of prerogative in the council that the Commons of Ireland had no right to apply any part of the unappropriated revenue, nor even to take into consideration the propriety of such appropriation, without the previous consent of the crown formally declared. When the Duke of Dorset came over, and opened the session of 1751, he informed the two Houses that he was commanded by the king to acquaint them that his

ease and happiness of your faithful subjects, has been graciously pleased to signify that you would consent," and so forth.

or

When the bill came over thus amended there was much excitement both in Parliament and in society. Malone was learned and convincing. Boyle, by his extensive influence and connections in Parliament, powerfully seconded, rather led, the opposition. And, notwithstanding the utmost exertions of the king's servants to do the king's business, the spirit of independence was sufficiently roused to cause the entire defeat of the amended bill, though only by a majority of five votes. The Commons wished to appropriate the money-the king consented, and insisted upon consenting; and then the Commons would not appropriate it at all, because the king consented. The defeat of the bill was considered as a victory of patriotism,

and was celebrated with universal rejoic- And now the attemped vindication by the ings-even the Catholics joining in the Irish Legislature of its right to vote, or general joy, for they felt instinctively that not vote, its own money, was only the it was the weight of English predominance occasion of a high-handed royal outrage, which kept them in their degraded po- trampling upon every pretence of consition, and necessarily sympathized with stitutional law; and Irish "Patriots," if every struggle against that. Yet after unanswerable in their arguments, were all, this spirited conduct of the Commons impotent to make them good in fact; was but an impotent protest; for the for "the arguments on both sides were public service was now left wholly un- invincible." It is, in truth, impossible provided for, the circulation of money to avoid assent to the conclusions of almost ceased, trade and business suffered, Lord Clare (not O'Brien, King James's and a clamour soon arose, not more against Lord Clare, but Fitzgibbon, King the Government than against the Patriots. George's Lord Clare), in his often-quoted Thus the Court party had its revenge. speech fifty years later, in so far as he The lord-lieutenant took the whole sur- demonstrated the anomalous and untenaplus revenue out of the treasury by virtue ble relation between the two Parliaments of a "royal letter;" so the king, after all, of England and of Ireland. The English not only consented to the act, but did the Protestant colony in Ireland, which asact wholly himself; and Speaker Boyle pired to be a nation, amounted to something was removed from his seat at the Privy under half a million of souls in 1754.* Council, and Malone's patent of prece- It was out of the question that it should dence as prime sergeant was annulled. be united on a footing of equality with its The viceroy and the primate took care potent mother country, by "the golden to put some mark of royal displeasure link of the crown," because the wearer of upon every one who had voted down the that crown was sure to be guided in his Supply Bill; and it may be doubted policy by English ministers, in accordance whether the English interest did not gain with English interests; and as the army a more decisive victory by thus trampling was the king's army, he could always with impunity upon all constitutional enforce that policy. The fatal weakness forms, than if the Irish Parliament had of the colony was, that it would not quietly submitted to the servile form pre- amalgamate with the mass of the Irish scribed to it. There was no visible people, so as to form a true nation, but remedy; the mob of Dublin might hoot set up the vain pretenstion to hold down the viceroy when his coach appeared in a whole disfranchised people with one the streets; they could threaten and mob hand, and defy all England with the other. the primate or Hutchinson, or others who were conspicuous in asserting the obnoxious royal prerogative; yet they had no alternative but to submit. In the discussion of this question we might repeat the words of Swift when speaking of the case of Molyneux: "The love and torrent of power prevailed. Indeed, the arguments on both sides were invincible. For, in reason, all government without the consent of the governed is the very definition of slavery; but, in fact, eleven men well armed will certainly subdue one single man in his shirt."

Still the colonists were multiplying and growing rich; and happily for them, England was on the eve of disaster and humiliation; and a quarter of a century later a gracious opportunity was to arise which gave them real independence for at least a few years.

CHAPTER XII.
1753-1760.

Unpopularity of the Duke of Dorset.-Earl of Kildare.-His Address.-Patriots in power.Pension List.-Duke of Bedford lord-lieutenant. Case of Saul.-Catholic meeting in Dublin.Commencement of Catholic agitation.-Address of the Catholics received.-First recognition of the Catholics as subjects.-Lucasian mobs.Project of Union.-Thurot's expedition.-Death of George II- Population.- Distress of the country. Operation of the Penal Laws.-The Geoghegans. Catholic Petition. - - Berkeley's Querist."

66

AFTER these high-handed measures of the
English ministry, of which Dorset was but

Up to this period we have invariably found the struggles of the colony to take rank as a nation-of its Parliament to assert its independence-successfully resisted and triumphantly crushed down. The assertion of the jurisdiction of the Irish lords in the case of "Sherlock and Annesley" was instantly followed by * We take the estimate of the entire population the Declaratory Act, which enacted that for that year from the tables in Thom's official Althe Irish lords had no jurisdiction at manac and Directory. For 1754 it is estimated at all. The more anxiously our Irish 2,372,634 men, women, and children. Parliament affirmed its sovereign right, of five Catholics to one Protestant (which is Dr. Boulter's estimate), the active part of the population the more systematically were acts passed was under half a million. The rest was assumed by the English Parliament to bind Ireland. | by law not to exist in the world.

At the rate

especially exposed the insolent behaviour
of Dorset's son, Lord George Sackville, in
mischievously meddling with all the public
affairs of the kingdom.

the instrument, he became intolerable to
the people of Dublin, as well as his son,
Lord George Sackville, the primate, and
every one professing "to do the king's
business in Ireland." The duke, even
before being recalled, found it necessary
to go over to England, partly to avoid the
odium of the Irish, but chiefly to take
care of his interests and those of his
family at the court. The colonial patriot-
ism ran high; the mob of Dublin became
"Lucasian."
* *
The primate durst not
appear on the streets; and the manner
was then first introduced of expressing,
by toasts, at private supper parties, some
stirring patriotic sentiment or keen in-
vective against the administration, in
terse language, which would pass from
mouth to mouth, and thence get into the
newspapers. One of these toasts was,
May all Secretary-Bashaws and lordly
high-priests be kept to their tackle, the
sword and the Bible." Another was,
May the importation of Ganymedes into
Ireland be discontinued," which was an
allusion to unnameable vices attributed to
Primate Stone.

66

66

However, the chief interest of the struggle between court and country was now, for the moment, transferred to the cabinets and antechambers of ministers at London. The Earl of Kildare, afterwards Duke of Leinster, a high-spirited nobleman, as became his Geraldine blood, was moved with indignation at the late proceedings in his country; for the Geraldines had always considered themselves Irish, and long before these Cromwellian and Williamite colonists had appeared in the island his ancestors were not only Irish and chiefs of Clan-Geralt, but were even reproached as being actually more Irish than the Irish. Of course, the family had long ago "conformed," like most of the O'Briens and De Burghos, and many other ancient tribes of French and Irish stock; otherwise the Earl could not have sat in Parliament, nor taken the bold step which so much astonished British courtiers at this period. He went over to London, had an audience of the king, and presented him with his own hand an address of remonstrance from himself against the whole course of the Irish Government under Lord Dorset. This document spoke very plainly to the king; told him "his loyal kingdom of Ireland wore a face of discontent;" that this discontent proceeded not from faction, but from the malfeasance of ministers; it complained of the odious duumvirate of the primate and the viceroy; compared the latter with Strafford, the former with Laud and Wolsey, and

Ministers were surprised at what they
considered the boldness of this proceeding.
The Earl of Holderness writes to the Irish
Chancellor Jocelyn, "My good lord chan-
cellor-I am not a little concerned that
the noble Earl of Kildare should take so
bold a step as he may repent hereafter.
He was but ill received, and very
coolly dismissed, as, indeed, the presump-
tion well merited; for why should his
majesty receive any remonstrances con-
cerning his kingdom or government, but
from the proper ministers, or through the
usual channels, namely, both Houses of
Parliament! I desire my compliments
may attend his grace, my lord primate,
and wish him success in all laudable
endeavours for poor Ireland.” But, in
fact, although the earl's address was
spoken of generally as an act of teme-
rity, "which nothing but the extreme
mildness of government could allow to
remain unpunished," yet it appears he felt
extremely easy about these hints of dan-
ger to himself. If it be true that he was
"coolly dismissed" from the royal audi-
ence, yet the government of Ireland was
very quickly modelled upon his views, or
almost placed substantially in his hands.
Dorset was soon recalled, and was suc-
ceeded by the Lord Hartington, a personal
and political ally of Kildare. Mr. Plow-
den alleges, and the result seems to con-
firm it, that this viceroy came over to
Ireland leagued by a secret treaty with
the Patriot party, through the intermedia-
tion of Lord Kildare, and in especial had
a clear understanding with Boyle and
Malone. Stone was removed from the
privy council; Boyle was made Earl of
Shannon, and entered the Upper House,
accepting at the same time a pension of
£2,000 for thirty-one years. Ponsonby
was elected Speaker in his place. The
system of the English Court was now
to buy up the Patriots with place and
patronage. Even Malone was promised
the succession to Boyle as Chancellor of
the Exchequer; but the public, and his
own respectable family, raised such an
outcry against this that he was ashamed
to accept it, and declined. Boyle continued
nominal chancellor, and Malone conde-
scended to receive the profits of the place.
We hear but little more of any trouble
given to English rule by this band of
Irish Patriots, and the bitter reflection
of Thomas MacNevin upon the whole
transaction seems well justified.
"Des-
potism, without corruption, was not con-

sidered as a fit exemplar of government, making personal and ungracious reference and the matter for the present terminated to the private concerns of members of by a title and a pension conferred on the Parliament, but stating in general terms greatest patriot of the day. Henry Boyle that the pension list had become altobore about the blushing honours of his gether too enormous; that it had been public virtue, emblazoned on the coronet | increased since the 23rd of March, 1755 of the Earl of Shannon. The primate -that is, within one year-by no less did not fare so well; he was removed than £28,103 per annum; that these penfrom the privy council. The rest of the sions were lavished upon foreigners, and Patriots found comfortable retreats in upon people not resident in Ireland; and various lucrative offices, and the most that all this was a loss and injury to the substantial compliments were paid to nation and to his majesty's service. Upon those who were noisiest in their patriotism these resolutions, which did not touch too and fiercest in their opposition." closely the Patriots' own private arrangements, there was a patriotic struggle, and even a patriotic triumph. The resolutions were passed, and were presented by Speaker Ponsonby to the viceroy, with the usual request that they should be transmitted to the king. He only replied that the matter was of too high a nature for

In 1756 the lord-lieutenant, now Duke of Devonshire, after having thus gratified the "Patriots," returned to England in delicate health-leaving as lords-justices, Jocelyn, lord chancellor, and the Earls of Kildare and Bessborough.

It is painful to be obliged to admit that the transferrence of the power and pat-him to promise at once that he would ronage of the Irish Government into the forward such resolutions. Thereupon the hands of the Patriots was not productive of Speaker returned to the House and reany wholesome effect whatsoever-neither ported his reception. It was determined in favour of the Catholic masses (for the to make a stand, and next day a motion Patriots were their mortal enemies), nor was made that all orders not yet proceeded in favour of public virtue and morality, on should be adjourned, the House not for nobody demands to be bought at so having yet received any answer from the high a price as a patriot. Accordingly, lord-lieutenant as to the transmission of we soon find the whole attention of Parlia- their resolutions. This, of course, meant ment and of the country absorbed by that they would vote no supplies until inquiries into the enormously increased they should be satisfied on that point. pension list upon the Irish Establishment. The motion to adjourn everything was În March, 1756, some member (unpen-carried, by a strict party vote-those in sioned) of the Commons, introduced a bill to vacate the seats of such members of the House of Commons as should accept any pension or civil office of profit from the Crown. It was voted down by a vote of eighty-five to fifty-nine-a fatal and ominous warning to the nation. On the day when that measure was debated, a return of pensions was brought in and In September, 1757, the Duke of Bedread. Many of the first names in Ireland ford came over as lord-lieutenantappear upon the shameful list; many specially instructed by Mr. Pitt to go foreigners or Englishmen; few or no upon the conciliatory policy. He was to meritorious servants of the state. The employ all softening and healing arts of Countess of Yarmouth stood upon that government. In fact, it is to the Duke of return for £4000; Mr. Bellingham Boyle, Bedford's administration we are to go a near relative of the illustrious "Pat-back for the commencement of that wellriot," for £800 "during pleasure" (that is, so long as he should make himself generally useful), and the Patriot himself, now Earl of Shannon, closed up the list with his pension of £2000 a year.

Although the bill to vacate the seats of pensioners was lost, the revelations of prevailing corruption were so gross that certain other members of Parliament not yet pensioned, again returned to the charge upon this popular grievance. A series of resolutions was, in fact, reported by the committee on public accounts, not, indeed,

favour of the resolutions voting for the adjournment, and those opposed to them voting against it. The lord-lieutenant immediately sent a message that he would transmit the resolutions without delay. Thus a small patriotic victory was gained without any one being injured, for nothing whatsoever came of these resolutions.

known Whig policy, of making use of the Patriotic Irish party, and even of the Catholics themselves, in support of the Whig party in England. There had been lately a considerable aggravation of the sufferings of the Catholics under the penal laws; the gentleness and forbearance exercised towards them during Chesterfield's vice-royalty had no longer a sufficient reason and motive; the halcyon days of connivance and extra-legal toleration were over, and the Catholics were once more under the full pressure of

the laws "for preventing the growth of Popery."

very variously appreciated by Irishmen, in accordance with their different ideas A remarkable example of this low as to the policy and duty of a nation held condition of the Catholics occurred the in so degrading a bondage. It became year following. A young Catholic girl known, during the administration of named O'Toole was importuned by some Lord Bedford, that the Jacobites in of her friends to conform to the Esta- France were preparing another expedition blished Church; to avoid this persecution, for a descent somewhere on the British she took refuge in the house of another coast, or Ireland; and on the 29th of friend and relative, a Catholic merchant October, 1759, the lord-lieutenant dein Dublin, named Saul. Legal proceed-livered a message to Parliament, in .ngs were at once taken against Mr. Saul, which he stated that he had received a in the name of a Protestant connection letter from Mr. Secretary Pitt, written of the young lady. Of course, the trial by the king's express command, informwent against Saul; and on this occasion ing him that France was preparing a new he was assured from the bench that invasion, and desiring him to exhort the Papists had no rights, inasmuch as "the Irish people to show on this occasion their law did not presume a Papist to exist in tried loyalty and attachement to the the kingdom; nor could they so much as House of Hanover. Immediately an breathe there without the connivance of Go- address, testifying the most devoted vernment." And the court was right, for "loyalty," was prepared by the Catholic such was actually the "Law," or what Committee. It was written by Charles passed for law in Ireland at that time. O'Conor, and signed by three hundred of On the arrival of the Duke of Bedford the most respectable Catholic inhabitants there had even been prepared, by some of Dublin. But here a difficulty arose; members of Parliament, the "heads of a Catholics were not citizens, nor subjects; bill" for a new and more stringent penal they were not supposed to exist at all; law regulating the registration of priests, other attempts they had made to testify and intended to put an effectual end, by their "loyalty" had been repulsed with dreadful penalties, to the regular course the most insolent disdain; and they knew of hierarchical church government, which well they were exposing themselves to had, up to that time, been carried on another humiliation of the same kind on regularly, though__clandestinely and the present occasion. However, two bold against the law. The menace of this Papists undertook to present the address new law and the late proceedings re- to Ponsonby, Speaker of the House of respecting Mr Saul, caused a good deal Commons. These were Antony Macof agitation and excitement among the Dermott and John Crump. They waited Catholics, and the leading people of that on the Speaker and read him the loyal religion in Dublin even ventured to hold manifesto. Mr. Ponsonby, a Whig and a small meetings in an obscure manner, to "Patriot," took the document, laid it on consult on the best way of meeting the the table, and said not one word, and fresh atrocities which were now threaten- bowed the delegates out. There were a ed. In these preliminary meetings two few days of agitated suspense; and then, factions at once developed themselves; on the 10th of December, the lord-lieuthe long period of unacquaintance with tenant sent a gracious answer. He did all political and civil life had rendered more; he caused his answer to be printed the Catholic people almost incapable of in the Dublin Gazette, thereby officially efficient organization and co-operation; recognizing the existence (though humble) and so they divided forthwith into two of persons calling themselves Catholics in parties-the one led by Lord Trimbleston, Ireland. The Speaker then sent for the the other by Dr. Fitzsimon. At length two gentlemen who had presented the certain of the more rational and moderate address, and ordered Mr. MacDermott to leaders of the Catholics, Charles O'Conor, read it to the House. Mr. MacDermott of Belanagar; Dr. Curry, author of the read it, and then thanked the Speaker, in Historical Review of the Civil Wars; Mr. the name of the Irish Catholics, for his Wyse, a Waterford merchant, together condescension, Mr. Ponsonby most grawith Lords Fingal, Taafe, and Delvin, ciously replied "that he counted it a originated a new movement by a meeting favour to be put in the way of serving so in Dublin, which established the first respectable a body as the gentlemen who "Catholic Committee," and commenced had signed that address." The Catholics, that career of "agitation" which has since then, for the first time since the Treaty of been carried to such great lengths. The Limerick, were publicly and officially adfirst performances of this Catholic Committed to be in a species of existence. mittee have been, and will always be, Here was a triumph!