(as the present), said he, "is formed not for mutual strength and security, but for mutual debility. It is a connection of distinct minds and distinct interests, generating national discontent and jealousy, and perpetuating faction and misgovernment in the inferior country. The first obvious disadvantage to Ireland is, that in everydepartment of the state, everyother consideration must yield to parliamentary power; let the misconduct of any public officer be what it may, if he is supported by a powerful parliamentary interest, he is too strong for the king's representative. A majority of the Par

liament of Great Britain will defeat the

minister of the day; but a majority of the Parliament of Ireland against the king's government, goes directly to separate this kingdom from the British Crown. If it continues, separation or war is the inevitable issue; and therefore it is, that the general executive of the empire, as far

as is essential to retain Ireland as a mem

CHAPTER XXIII.

1787-1789.

Alarms and rumours of disturbances.-Got up by Government.-Act against illegal combinations. Mr. Grattan on Tithes.-Failure of his efforts. Death of Duke of Rutland -Marquis of Buckingham, Viceroy.-Independence of Mr. Curran.Mr. Forbes and the Pension List.-Failure of his motion.-Triumph of corruption.-Troubles in Armagh County." Peep-of-Day Boys."-" Defenders."-Insanity of the King.-The Regency. WHEN Parliament met, according to the last adjournment on the 18th of January, 1787, the lord-lieutenant particularly applied to them for their assistance in the effectual vindication of the laws, and the protection of society. On this part of his address Mr. Conolly made some very severe observations ; disment with having invented, or at least tinctly, indeed, charging the Governgrossly exaggerated, the rumours of disthe Protestants of that kingdom, and to furnish an immediate pretext for the unthe first thing that could be called a disconstitutional police-bill:"-and "that turbance induced him to think that Government had a hand in it." This involves cious and revolting-calumniating the fora charge against the Government so atrolorn and friendless Catholics of Munster to produce an alarm of threatened insurrection and thus be the more readily

turbances at the south "to intimidate

ber of it, is completely at the mercy of the Irish Parliament; and it is vain to expect, so long as man continues to be a creature of passion and interest, that he will not avail himself of the critical and difficult situation, in which the executive Government of this kingdom must ever remain, under its present constitution, to demand the favours of the Crown, not as the reward of loyalty and service, but as the stipulated price, to be paid in advance, for the discharge of a public duty. Every unprincipled and noisy adventurer, who can achieve the means of putting himself forward, commences his political career on an avowed speculation of profit and loss: and if he fail to negotiate his political job, will endeavour to extort it by faction and sedition, and with unblushing effrontery to fasten his own corruption on the king's ministers.-English influence is the inexhaustible theme for popular irritation and distrust of every factious and discontented man, who fails in the struggle to make himself the necessary instrument of it. Am I then justified in stating that our present connection with Great Britain is in its nature formed for mutual debility; that it must continue to generate national discontent and jealousy, and perpetuate faction and misgovern-out to them, should appear in tumult? ment in Ireland ? "*

* This famous speech is only cited in this place to show how very coolly a Lord Chancellor of Ireland could explain and avow the existence, the necessity, and the whole mechanism of the corrupt management of the Irish Parliament. As an argument for a union, his speech may have its value, but it is much better as an argument for total separation. Those who thought with his lordship that England must some how rule over Ireland naturally became

would be difficult to believe it, if we did armed with a great police force, that it this kind of procedure is familiar to the not know, from subsequent events, that British Government in Ireland, and forms one of its chief agencies. There were several statements and counter statements as to the existence and extent of and always, took the part of the opthese alleged riots. Mr. Curran who then, the wretches whom woful and long expressed, said: "Is it any wonder, that perience has taught to doubt, and with justice to doubt, the attention and relief utmost difficulty to keep life and soul toof the legislature, wretches that have the the hand of assistance were not stretched gether, and who must inevitably perish if

No, sir, it is not. Unbound to the sovereign by any proof of his affection, unbound to Government by instance of any its protection, unbound to the country, or to the soil, by being destitute of any unionists: those who thought that Ireland should rule herself, and that if all her people formed one united nation she could both govern and protect herself, became still more logically united Irishmen.

property in it, 'tis no wonder that the peasantry should be ripe for rebellion and revolt: so far from matter of surprise, it must naturally have been expected.

"The supineness of the magistrates, and the low state of the commissions of the peace throughout the kingdom, but particularly in the county of Cork, should be rectified. A system of vile jobbing was one of the misfortunes of that country: it extended even to the commissions of the peace how else could the report of the four and twenty commissions of the peace, sent down to the county of Clare in one post be accounted for? Even the appointment of sheriffs was notoriously in the hands of government; and through jobbing, sheriffs themselves could not be trusted: two sheriffs ran away last year with executions in their pockets, and the late high sheriff of the county of Dublin had absconded."

There were indeed local disturbances, as in the first days of Whiteboyism, provoked solely by the tithe-devouring clergymen and by the intolerable oppressions of the landlords; but in no way partaking of an insurrectionary organization, nor directed to revolutionary ends. Mr. Fitzgibbon, then attorney-general, told Parliament some marvellous tales. He blamed the landlords as the chief cause of the disturbances; and said "he knew that, the unhappy tenantry were ground to powder by relentless landlords. He knew that, far from being able to give the clergy their just dues, they had not food or raiment for themselves; the landlord grasped the whole, and sorry was he to add, that not satisfied with the present extortion, some landlords had been so base as to instigate the insurgents to rob the clergy of their tithes, not in order to alleviate the distresses of the tenantry, but that they might add the clergy's share to the cruel rack rents already paid. It would require the utmost ability of Parliament to come to the root of those evils." He closed by moving a resolution-"That it is the opinion of this committee, that some further provisions by statute are indispensably necessary to prevent tumultuous risings and assemblies, and for the more adequate and effectual punishment of persons guilty of outrage, riot, and illegal combination, and of administering and taking unlawful oaths."

see the laws enforced, yet was very sensible of the unendurable oppression practised on the peasantry, brought up on the 13th of March, the whole subject of tithes, which he considered a disgrace to the Protestant Church, as well as a grievious burden to the Catholic people. He moved the following resolution: "That if it appear, at the commencement of the next session of Parliament, that public tranquillity has been restored in these parts of the kingdom that have lately been disturbed, and due obedience paid to the laws, this House will take into consideration the subject of tithes, and endeavour to form some plan for the honourable support of the clergy, and the ease of the people."

Mr. Secretary Orde differed from Mr. Grattan, and insisted, that in the existing circumstances of the country it was impossible in any degree to hold out an expectation, that the House would even enter upon the subject, Hereupon arose a warm debate; and there were not wanting honourable members to affirm that the established Church was no burden on the people, and that rectors and vicars rather saved money to a Catholic parish than otherwise. It may be conceived how Grattan's gall rose when he heard such arguments as these. "It has been said,” he exclaimed, "that the exoneration of potatoes from tithe would be of no advantage to the poor. Where had gentlemen learned that doctrine? Certainly not in the report of Lord Carhampton. would they say, that taking sixteen shillings an acre off potatoes is no benefit to the miserable man who depends on them as his only food?"

Or

Mr. Grattan persisted with the motion for a committee to inquire whether any just cause of complaint existed among the people of Munster, or of Kilkenny or Carlow on account of tithe, or the collection of tithe. His speech upon this occasion is considered as one of his masterpieces, both of reason and eloquence. It produced a great effect upon the country; none whatever upon the House. Only forty-nine voted for Grattan's motion; but 121 gave their voice against all inquiry. The poor peasantry were left at the mercy, as before, of the tithe-priests and proctors, and of the grinding landlords; and so remain, without improveA bill for these purposes was soon after ment to this day. They felt that there brought in by Fitzgibbon and after sharp was no Parliament for them, no law, no debates, and a vigorous opposition by Mr. protection, no sympathy; and we cannot Conolly and others, was read a second but agree with Mr. Curran that the only time, committed by a very large majority, wonder would have been if they did not and passed. occasionally set fire to a parson's stackMr. Grattan who, while he desired to | yard, or that they did not cut off a tithe

proctor's ears when they met him in a convenient place.

supporting an administration whose intended measures were made a secret: he therefore purchased a seat in a vacant borough, and offered it to Mr. Longfield for any person whose principles were at his command. Thus did Mr. Curran retain his seat and parliamentary independence; and Mr. Longfield was enabled to fulfil his engagements with the minister, for his own and his dependant's votes in Parliament.

The Duke of Rutland died in October, 1787-died, it is said, in consequence of his excesses and debauchery. He was a good-natured and jovial nobleman, and more than sustained the hospitable character of Dublin Castle. As for public business, he committed all that to the management of those around him, experienced intriguers who knew better than he how "to do the king's business." And Early in this first session, Mr. Forbes as there was but one machinery known made another effort against the pension which was capable of making public busi- list, which had become his special subject. ness move in Ireland, and as the viceroy's He had been taunted on a former occasion advisers felt it their duty to be liberal at with making his attacks too general, inthe nation's expense, the cost of Govern- stead of denouncing particular examples; ment rapidly increased during his vice- and a sporting member of the Castle royalty. In the very year of his death, party had assured him that the man for example, the pension list was increased "who fires at a whole covey does not hit by additional grants to the amount of a feather." He now desired that a list of £8730 over what it had been the year be- the pensions granted since the last session fore. The Duke of Rutland was suc- of Parliament might be read. He then obceeded by the Marquis of Buckingham, jected to a pension of £1000, to James who met the Parliament for the first time Brown, Esq., late prime sergeant, on the on the 17th of January, 1788. In the ad- principle only of its being granted to a dress of the Commons in reply to his member of the House during pleasure. speech, Mr. Parsons objected to one clause He remarked, that by the English act for which gave unqualified approbation to the further securing the liberties of the subpublic course of the late viceroy, and ject, it was provided, that after the seemed therefore to bind the House to accession of the present family to the pursue the same measures. He remarked throne, no pensioner during pleasure on the largely increased expenses and the should sit or vote in the House of Comenormous pension list, and remarked that mons. The people of Ireland had a right neither in the speech from the throne nor to participate with the inhabitants of in the address was the word economy to be Great Britain in all the benefits and prifound. He moved an amendment, but of vileges of that act, and the Bill of Rights. course it was negatived without a divi- He moved "that this pension was a mission. It may be said in general of the application of the revenue." He also on administration of the Marquis of Buck- the same day mentioned the pension of ingham, that it was conducted on the £640 to Thomas Higinbotham for life, same principle (or negation of principle) adding that he was astonished that so and by the same unprincipled men as that large a portion of the public money should of the Duke of Rutland. It was thought be disposed of without the knowledge or advisable to purchase a few patriots. privity of the chancellor of the exchequer; What communications the marquis made and that for such a transaction all the to his converts cannot now be stated with servants of the crown should deny any commercial exactitude, but he certainly responsibility; he then objected to a peninaugurated his term of office by persuad- sion of £1200 per annum to Robert Ashing to silence some noisy members of the wood for the life of his son, and also two opposition. On this occasion it is agree- other pensions of £300 each, and one of able to record an honourable trait of one £200 to the same person, for lives of his of those patriots whose memory is dearly other children. He stated that a pension cherished in Ireland, John Philpot Cur- of £2000 per annum had been granted in ran. Amongst other proselytes that went the year 1755, for the life of Frederick over to the new viceroy was Mr. Long-Robinson; that the family of Robinson field, who had considerable parliament- had lately sold that pension to Mr. Ashary interest; he and the friends he worth, and had influence with Government introduced had uniformly opposed the late administration; amongst these was Mr. Curran, who having been brought into Parliament by Mr. Longfield, could not bend his principles to the pliancy of his friend, or take a subordinate part in

sufficient to prevail on the minister to change the life in the grant, and to insert the lives of the young children of Mr. Ashworth in the place of Mr. Robinson; that this management was now become a frequent practice; and that thereby a

grant of a pension for life operated as a the revenue of that kingdom. The only lease for lives with a covenant of perpetual renewal.

authority under which the vice-treasurer then paid any money was a king's letter, countersigned by the commissioners of the English treasury. He adverted with marked censure to the addition of £2000 to the salary of the secretary in the late administration, and to the large sums expended in the purchase and embellishment of his house in the Phoenix Park, and to the present intent of granting a pension of £2000 to that very secretary for life, which was establishing a most mischievous

tensible minister avail himself of the same argument which his predecessors had successfully used for the last ten years in resisting every attack upon the pension list. He then enlarged upon the pernicious consequences of placing implicit confidence in the administration, and supported his thesis by the following historical illustrations:

He then moved that the above pension "was an improvident disposition of the revenue." It is almost needless to add that all Mr. Forbes' motions were negatived without a division. Nothing, perhaps, can better illustrate the shameless character of the universal venality than the timid objection made by a ministerial member against the necessity of doubling pensions to members of Parliament. Sir Henry Cavendish, though he declared his precedent for such grants to every future unqualified devotion to that administra-secretary. He was sorry to hear the ostion, yet remarked, that doubling the pensions of members might be avoided, "for," said he, "suppose it appears that £400 a year are annexed to the name of a member of this House, and that no particular cause could be assigned for the grant, may it not be conjectured that it was made for his service in that House, and if so, an additional pension is unnecessary, for he that has £400 a year for his vote will not refuse voting though he were to be refused £400 a year more." -(Par. Debates, vol. viii.) In truth it would be irksome and unprofitable to record these many unavailing efforts of the Patriots to restrain the progress of public corruption, but that the revelations made on such occasions exhibit the whole machinery by which Irish government was carried on, or could have been carried on for a single week: and show that the British rule in that country consisted simply in making the Irish people pay large salaries to certain men for representing and betraying them.

It is just, however, to the honest Irishmen in that corrupt assembly to signalize and remember their useless but heroic efforts against the deluge of corruption.

The most violent attack upon the minister, during this session of Parliament, was made on the 29th of February, when Mr. Forbes moved his address to the crown, in order at least to leave to posterity on the face of their journals the grievances under which the people laboured in the year 1788. He prefaced his motion by a very interesting speech, founded on facts, to be collected from the journals of the House, or from authentic documents then lying on the table. He travelled over much of his former arguments against the prodigality of the late administration, which had increased the pension list by £26,000. He took that opportunity of giving notice, that he meant next session to offer a bill to that House for the purpose of creating a responsibility in the ministers of Ireland for the application of

From the year 1773 to 1776, confidence in the administration of that day had cost this nation £100,000 in new taxes, and £440,000 raised by life annuities. In 1778, confidence in the administration cost £300,000 in life annuities; a sum granted for the purpose of defence, and which produced, on an alarm of invasion, one troop of horse and half a company of invalids. In 1779, the then secretary, for the purpose of opposing a measure for relief against the abuses of the pension list, read in this House an extract of a letter from the Secretary of State in England, expressive of the determination of the then English ministry, not to increase the pension list; confidence was placed in the administration of the day, and it cost the country £13,000 in new pensions, granted by the same secretary. In April, 1782, on the arrival of the principal of the new administration, confidence, in the first instance, was neither asked nor granted; certain measures were proposed by the Commons and the people, they were granted, and the country was emancipated. In 1785, confidence in the administration of that day, cost Ireland £140,000 new taxes to equalise the income and expenditure; but the grant produced £180,000 excess of expenses. The same confidence cost £20,000 per annum for a police establishment, which it had been proved at their bar contributed to the violation, instead of the preservation of the peace of the metropolis.

The same confidence, he said, cost this nation last year £100,000, charged for buildings and gardens in the Phoenix

At

Park: in fine, they might place nearly manifest injury of the Protestant interest, two-thirds of the national debt to the and much ill-feeling and some violent colaccount of confidence in the administra- lisions had been the consequence. tion of the day. He then moved an ad- length, in 1784, the Protestants formed dress to his majesty setting forth the themselves in Armagh County into a entire abuse of the pension system: that, secret association, calling itself "Peep-ofon the 1st of January, 1788, the list of Day Boys," in allusion to their custom of pensions had increased to £96,289 per repairing at that hour to the houses of the annum, exclusive of military pensions, and Catholics, dragging them out of bed, and charges under the head of incidents on the otherwise maltreating them. Even the civil establishment, and additional salaries furious Protestant partisan, Sir Richard to sinecure officers-both of which were Musgrave, gives this account of the bansubstantially pensions; and that this ditti in question:-"They visited the made an amount much greater than the houses of their antagonists at a very early pension list of England. It was in vain : hour in the morning to search for arms, the bribed majority listened to Mr. Forbes and it is most certain that in doing so with a complacent smile; and again his they often committed the most wanton motion fell without a division. outrages, insulting their persons and breaking their furniture," etc. Of course human nature could not endure this treatment, and the Catholics of Armagh formed a counter-association, which they called by a name quite as descriptive as the other, "The Defenders." Many encounters soon took place, and sometimes in considerable numbers; but as the Catholics were then greatly a minority of the population of the county, were very poor, and could scarcely procure any arms, which, besides, it was against the law for them to possess, it is not wonderful if the advantage rested generally, though not always, with the Protestant aggressors.

After another attempt of Mr. Grattan to get a committee on tithes, Parliament was prorogued unexpectedly on the 14th of April, to the surprise and irritation of the people. The natural quickness of their sensations was accelerated by disappointment, when they found, that all that was done relative to tithes was, to provide for the clergy what some of them had lost by retention of the tithes in the two preceding years, and to secure to them for ever a tithe of hemp of 5s. per acre. The failure in every popular attempt of the Patriots went but a little way to soothe the ruffled minds of the distressed peasantry in the provinces, or of the middling and higher orders in the metropolis and larger towns. Notwithstanding the increase of peace officers under the police bill, it was sarcastically observed that his excellency had the peace and tranquillity of the country deeply at heart, for that, upon the slightest appear-trate. It was not in the nature of things ance of interruption, he was sure to call in the aid of the military.

The attention of the public began at this moment to be turned away from the futile parliamentary contests to scenes which were taking place in the northern county of Armagh. The Catholics, once almost extirpated from that and some neighbouring counties, had again increased and multiplied there. This had been caused in a great measure by the large emigration of Protestants to America, leaving extensive regions nearly dispeopled. Many Catholics with their families, who had been starving on the bare mountains of Connaught and Donnegal, began to venture back to the pleasant valleys where their fathers had dwelt, and offered to become tenants to deserted farms. Landlords accepted these tenants for want of Protestants, and they were followed by others. Protestant farmers were thus exposed to competition, to the

Either for the purpose or under the pretence of checking the spirit of turbulence and outrage, in the year recourse again was had to the raising of some Volunteer corps, by way of strengthening, as it was said, the arm of the civil magis

that these Volunteer corps, into which they refused to admit any Catholic, should not be more obnoxious to the Defenders than to the Peep-of-Day Boys; for although they should not have shown favour or affection to any description of men disturbing the public tranquillity, yet it was the first part of their duty to disarm the Defenders (being Papists), and in their arms had they for some time found their only safety and defence against their antagonists. Some occasional conflicts happened both between the Defenders and Peep-of-Day Boys, and between the Defenders and the Volunteers. As a corps of Volunteers, in going to church at Armagh, passed by a Catholic chapel, a quarrel arose with some of the congregation, and stones were thrown at the Volunteers. After service, instead of avoiding the repetition of insult by taking another route, the Volunteers procured arms, returned to the spot,