And, as we have already remarked, he seems to have suspected the polarization of light. Where are the actual scientific discoveries of Francis Bacon which can be compared to this brilliant array? There are none. The philosophical theories of the two are identical, only one is barely indicated, the other luminously expanded and magnificently expressed. The superb motto of Francis Bacon, "Aut viam inveniam, aut faciam," is a delusion; he neither invented nor made the road he traveled; he followed in the path beaten by the footsteps of his namesake, to whom alone it would be appropriate to apply such a device as this, which itself seems imitated from a straggling verse of a lost Greek tragedy: ἰδίας ὁδοὺς ζητοῦσι φιλόπονοι φύσεις. ART. II.—BRITISH METHODISM AND SLAVERY. [SECOND ARTICLE.] MR. WESLEY'S "Thoughts on Slavery," in 1774, produced a wonderful effect in the connection. The preachers entered fully into his views; and probably it had no small influence in stimulating the natural ardor of Dr. Coke against slavery in his first visit to America. Partly from reading it and partly from conversation with the preachers, the Methodists everywhere became fixed in their enmity against the slave-trade; and public discussions in the nation confirmed them in their aversion. The peculiar sympathy awakened for the poor blacks made the West India Mission for more than half a century the most popular, as it has been the most successful, of all our missions. And when in the end the feeling of the connection was roused against slavery itself, the religious interest so long cherished for the slave, quickened the zeal for his deliverance from legal bondage. In 1778, Mr. Wesley commenced our first periodical, "The Arminian Magazine." In that work, several articles and facts bearing on slavery and the slave-trade were inserted from time to time; and as it was very much read among the Methodists, the subject was continually kept before their mind. In 1787 Mr. Wesley again published "Thoughts on Slavery," concerning which he thus writes to one of his correspondents: • Agathon. Incert. Fabb. Fragm., xiii, (7.) Fragm. Trag. Græc. Ed. Didot. "Whatever assistance I can give those generous men who join to oppose that execrable trade, I certainly shall give. I have printed a large edition of the Thoughts on Slavery,' and dispersed them to every part of England. But there will be vehement opposition made, both by slave merchants and slaveholders; and they are mighty men: but our comfort is, He that dwelleth on high is mightier." Wilberforce had now become the acknowledged leader of the abolition movement. Mr. Wesley's celebrity and known sentiments induced him to seek an interview with him, which proved highly satisfactory. He thus briefly relates it: "February 24, 1789. 1 called on John Wesley, a fine old fellow." With his brother Charles, Mr. Wilberforce had formed an acquaintance some three years before. "I went," says he, "I think in 1786, to see Mrs. Hannah More, and when I came into the room Charles Wesley rose from the table, around which a numerous party sat at tea, and coming forward to me, solemnly gave me his blessing. I was scarcely ever more affected. Such was the effect of his manner and appearance that it altogether overset me, and I burst into tears, unable to restrain myself." That blessing of Charles Wesley, and the anti-slavery efforts of John, show how deeply both the Wesleys were interested in that cause to which the life of Wilberforce was consecrated. But perhaps nothing had so powerful an influence on the Methodist body as the almost dying letter of Mr. John Wesley, written to Mr. Wilberforce only six days before his death. It is as follows: "February 24, 1791. "My dear Sir,-Unless the Divine power has raised you up to be as Athanasius contra mundum, I see not how you can go through your glorious enterprise, in opposing that execrable villainy which is the scandal of religion, of England, and of human nature. Unless God has raised you up for this very thing, you will be worn out by the opposition of men and devils; but, if God be for you, who can be against you? Are all of them together stronger than God? O be not weary in well-doing. Go on in the name of God, and in the power of his might, till even American slavery, the vilest that ever saw the sun, shall vanish away before it. That He who has guided you from your youth up, may continue to strengthen you in this and all things, is the prayer of, "Dear sir, your affectionate servant, "JOHN WESLEY." A short time also before his death, he issued the fifth edition of his "Thoughts on Slavery." These two things conjoined, Mr. Wesley's last pamphlet, and his last letter, occasioned the abolition cause to be as it were stereotyped on the Methodist mind; so that the members of his society were constituted en masse, a body of Christian opponents to the anti-Christian slave-trade. He bequeathed to them by his dying acts the guardianship of the sacred cause of freedom. That same year an occurrence took place which was like affixing a seal to his legacy, and thereby rendering it imperative and unalterable. At the conference of 1791, the first that assembled after Mr. Wesley's death, Mr. Wilberforce sent a letter to the conference, accompanied with a present of one hundred and two volumes of "The Evidence that appeared before a Select Committee of the House of Commons, relative to the Slave-Trade." One was for each member of the hundred preachers who legally constituted the conference, and two additional copies for the president and the secretary. In his letter he complimented them on their piety and zeal, and entreated them to use their influence in getting petitions signed and presented to Parliament, praying for the abolition of the slave-trade. The conference sent him a polite answer, in which they promised to comply with his request. From a principle of conscience they entered heartily into the work, and were instrumental in promoting what appeared to be the general sense of the country respecting the slave-trade, namely: "That it ought to be abolished." The letter of Wilberforce was connected with the plan of future operations on which he had resolved. Finding that he failed to carry his measures in Parliament, notwithstanding the eloquent support he received from Pitt and Fox, the two leading statesmen of the age, so strong was the slave interest in both houses, backed by wealthy merchants and West India proprietors in many cities, he determined to make a more general appeal to the conscience of the nation, that he might move the legislature by means of the constituency, and the force of the popular will. By such an opportune resolve, at such a crisis of Methodist history, he was sure of their united zeal. Petitions soon came pouring into Parliament against the slave-trade, and they were renewed from year to year, in accumulated numbers, till the public demand of the people could be no longer withstood. And although the Methodists at that time acted more in connection with their fellow-citizens than as a distinct body, or connectionally, scarcely a Methodist, whether elector or not, neglected to affix his signature to these petitions. In no county in England had the Methodists so large a number of electors as in Yorkshire, for which county Wilberforce was member, and from their heartiness in the cause of freedom, they uniformly gave him their votes, which contributed to the security of his return for the largest constituency in the kingdom; Yorkshire not being then divided into the East and West Riding, as on the passage of the Reform Bill at a later period. He was therefore the most popular candidate and representative for that large county for twenty-eight years, during which time there had been five or six elections. FOURTH SERIES, VOL. X.-13 This is an unequaled triumph in the Parliamentary Annals of Great Britain. Once in particular he was opposed by two of the most powerful noble families in the kingdom, whose wealth could purchase all the votes (alas! not a few) that were buyable, and sway others who found that to serve them on such an occasion would be to their interest; but Wilberforce, without a bribe, and without compromising his principles or his character as an avowedly religious man, won the day in spite of all opposition. "I have great reason," says he, "to be thankful for the kindness with which I was received. Indeed, I can only ascribe it to that gracious Providence which can control at will the affections of men. I never took pains, though feeling the deepest sense of my constituent's kindness, to cultivate an interest; may, more, I have been very deficient in all personal attentions, owing to my health requiring me to live as quietly and regularly as I can, during the recess from Parliament. I never attend races or even assizes, which members for Yorkshire before me used to do; and yet I have been elected five times, and never with more unanimity than the last. It really shows that there is still some public spirit among us; and that if a member of Parliament will act an honest and independent part, his constituents (such at least of them as are themselves independent) will not desert him." This was written in 1806, and his renewed success as the favorite candidate for Yorkshire foreshadowed the downfall of slavery advocacy in Parliament. Immediately after his re-election he completed and published an earnest pamphlet on the Slave-trade, which he had prepared with great care. It had immense success. "Its effect," say his biographers, "was greatly strengthened by its mild and generous temper toward the defenders of the system" he sought to overthrow. Its influence was considerable even in the House of Lords, where some of the largest West India proprietors occupied a seat. Several times had he been defeated; but thrice Wilberforce, with varied majorities, carried his motion in the Commons, which was always in substance the same, embodying three arguments, namely, that the slave-trade was "contrary to humanity, justice, and sound policy;" but when he succeeded in the Lower House, his motion failed or was postponed in the House of Peers. But after his last return for Yorkshire, so loud was the voice of the people, so united and firm their determination, that it passed both houses; and, says Myles, the Methodist chronologer, "on Wednesday, the 25th of March, in Passion week, 1807, the king, by commission, gave his royal assent to a bill for the entire abolition of the slave-trade, after the 1st of January, 1808." It was the religious influence, the Christianity of the nation, that after many a hard-fought battle won the day. Among the centers of that influence, Methodism was very considerable, if not the chief; for though less conspicuous than some other bodies, it was more energetic than most; and it wrought wonders by means of its diffusiveness among the masses, its uniformity of principle, its oneness of action, its heartiness of co-operation, and its Divine power with God. The long-continued interest which the Methodists had felt in the spiritual labors of their missionaries made them now, above other people, deeply concerned to prevent any increase or prolongation of the wrongs of Africa. III. We now come to the third period, from the abolition of the slave-trade in 1807, to the extinction of slavery in 1834. In the Life of Mr. Wilberforce it is remarked that, "so early as the year 1780, the slave-trade had attracted the attention of Mr. Burke," a man for greatness of mind, and splendid eloquence, never surpassed by the senator of any nation. "He had even proceeded to sketch out a code of regulations which provided for its immediate mitigation and ultimate suppression. But after mature consideration he had abandoned the attempt, from the conviction that the strength of the West India body would defeat the utmost efforts of his powerful party, and cover them with ruinous unpopularity. Nor could any mere political alliance have been ever more likely to succeed. The great interests with which the battle must be fought could be resisted only by the general moral feeling of the nation. There was then no example upon record of any such achievement, and in entering upon the struggle it was of the utmost moment that its leader should be one who could combine, and so render irresistible, the scattered sympathies of the religious classes." This is a highly valuable quotation, not only because it recognizes the importance of true religion, but also because it shows how the religion of any country must be employed to insure success. Desultory efforts of a detached kind will end in disappointment; "the scattered sympathies" of righteous men must be collected into one focus; and then their concentrated energies will never fail to accomplish a great object on which their hearts are set, conducive to the national honor, and the general welfare of mankind. Of course this is not to be done by mere political tactics, so as to make the churches of Christ subservient to the aggrandizement of any political party; for that were to damage the Churches without benefiting the nation; on the contrary, this plan proposes the laying aside of party objects and sectional differences, for the sake of insuring, by religious principles and religious means, the enactment of righteous laws, or the nullifying of such as are unjust. In that way the Church collectively |