laws for the trade of Ireland. I only fpeak of what laws it is right for parliament to make. It is nothing to an oppreffed people, to say that in part they are protected at our charge. The mi litary force which fhall be kept up in order to cramp the natural faculties of a people, and to prevent their arrival to their utmost prosperity, is the inftrument of their fervitude not the means of their protection. To protect men, is to forward, and not to restrain their improvement. Elfe, what is it more, than to avow to them, and to the world, that you guard them from others, only to make them a prey to yourself. This fundamental nature of protection does not belong to free, but to all governments; and is as valid in Turkey as in Great Britain. No government ought to own that it exifts for the purpose of checking the prof perity of its people, or that there is such a principle involved in its policy. Under the impreffion of these fentiments (and not as wanting every attention to my conftituents, which affection and gratitude could infpire), I voted for these bills which give you so much trouble. I voted for them, not as doing complete juftice to Ireland, but as being fomething lefs unjust than the general prohibition which has hitherto prevailed. I hear fome difcourfe, as if in one or two paltry duties on materials, Ireland had a preference; and that those who set themselves against VOL. III. Q this this act of scanty justice, affert that they are only contending for an equality. What equality? Do they forget, that the whole woollen manufacture of Ireland, the most extensive and profitable of any, and the natural ftaple of that kingdom, hás been in a manner fo deftroyed by restrictive laws of ours, and (at our perfuafion, and on our promifes) by restrictive laws of their own, that in a few years, it is probable, they will not be able to wear a coat of their own fabrick. Is this equality? Do gentlemen forget, that the understood faith upon which they were perfuaded to fuch an unnatural act, has not been kept; but a linen-manufacture has been fet up, and highly encouraged, against them? Is this equality? Do they forget the ftate of the trade of Ireland in beer, fo great an article of confumption, and which now ftands in fo mifchievous a pofition with regard to their revenue, their manufacture, and their agriculture? Do they find any equality in all this? Yet if the leaft step is taken towards doing them common juftice in the flighteft articles for the moft limited markets, a cry is raised, as if we were going to be ruined by partiality to Ireland. : Gentlemen, I know that the deficiency in these arguments is made up (not by you, but by others) by the ufual resource on fuch occafions, the confi dence in military force, and fuperior power. But that ground of confidence, which at no time was perfectly perfectly juft, or the avowal of it tolerably decent, is at this time very unfeafonable. Late experience has fhewn, that it cannot be altogether relied upon; and many, if not all our prefent difficulties, have arifen from putting our truft in what may very poffibly fail; and if it fhould fail, leaves thofe who are hurt by fuch a reliance, without pity. Whereas honefty and juftice, reafon and equity, go a very great way in fecuring profperity to those who use them; and in cafe of failure, fecure the beft retreat, and the most honourable confolations. It is very unfortunate, that we should confider those as rivals, whom we ought to regard as fellow-labourers in a common cause. Ireland has never made a single ftep in its progress towards profperity, by which you have not had a fhare, and perhaps the greateft fhare, in the benefit. That progrefs has been chiefly owing to her own natural advantages, and her own efforts, which, after a long time, and by flow degrees, have prevailed in some measure over the mischievous fyftems which have been adopted. Far enough fhe is ftill from having arrived even at an ordinary state of perfection; and if our jealoufies were to be converted. into politicks, as fyftematically as fome would have them, the trade of Ireland would vanish out of the fyftem of commerce. But believe me, if Ireland is beneficial to you, it is so not from the parts in which it is reftrained, but from those in which it. is left free, though not left unrivalled. The greater its freedom, the greater must be your advantage. you fhould lofe in one way, you will gain in If twenty. Whilft I remain under this unalterable and powerful conviction, you will not wonder at the decided part I take. It is my custom fo to do, when I fee my way clearly before me; and when I know, that I am not misled by any paffion, or any perfonal intereft; which in this cafe, I am very fure, I am not. I find that disagreeable things are circulated among my conftituents; and I wish my fentiments, which form my juftification, may be equally ge neral with the circulation against me. I have the honour to be, with the greatest regard and esteem, |