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language of truth and fincerity; and that he is not ready to take up or lay down a great political system for the convenience of the hour; that he is in parliament to support his opinion of the publick good, and does not form his opinion in or. der to get into parliament, or to continue in it. It is in a great measure for your fake, that I wish to preserve this character. Without it, I am sure, I should be ill able to discharge, by any service, the smallest

part of that debt of gratitude and affection which I owe you for the great and honourable trust you have reposed in me. I am, with the highest regard and esteem,


Your most obedient,

And humble servant,

E. B.

Beaconsfield, 23d April, 1778.




MESS. ******* ****** AND CO. BRISTOL.


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T gives me the most sensible concern to find,

that my vote on the resolutions relative to the trade of Ireland, has not been fortunate enough to meet with your approbation. I have explained at large the grounds of my conduct on that occafion in my letters to the Merchants Hall: but my very sincere regard and esteem for you will not permit me to let the matter pass without an explanation, which is particular to yourselves, and which, I hope, will prove satisfactory to you.

You tell me, that the conduct of your late member is not much wondered at; but


feem to be at a loss to account for mine; and you lament, that I have taken fo decided a part again my constituents.

This is rather an heavy imputation. Does it then really appear to you, that the propositions to which


you refer, are, on the face of them, so manifestly wrong, and so certainly injurious to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, and particularly to yours, that no man could think of proposing, or supporting them, except from resentment to you, or from fome other oblique motive? If you suppose your late member, or if you suppose me, to act upon other reasons than we choose to avow, to what do you attribute the conduct of the other members, who in the beginning almost unanimously adopted those resolutions ? To what do you attribute the strong part taken by the ministers, and along with the ministers, by several of their most declared opponents? This does not indicate a ministerial jobb;' a' party defign; or a provincial or "local purpose. It is therefore not fo absolutely clear, that the measure is wrong, or likely to be injurious to the true interests of

any place, or any person.

The reason, gentlemen, for taking this step, at this tiine, is but too obvious and too urgent.

1 cannot imagine, that you forget the great war, which has been carried on with fo little fuccefs (and, as I thought, with so little policy) in America; or that you are not aware of the other great wars which are impending Ireland has been called upon to repel the attacks of enemies of no small power, brought upon her by councils, in which she has had no share. The very purpose and de


clared object of that original war, which has brought other wars, and other enemies on Ireland, was not very flattering to her dignity, her interest, or to the very principle of her liberty. Yet she submitted patiently to the evils she suffered from an attempt to subdue to your obedience, countries whose very commerce was not open to her. America was to be conquered, in order that Ireland should not trade thither; whilst the miserable trade which she is permitted to carry on to other places has been torn to pieces in the struggle. In this situation, are we neither to suffer her to have any

real interest in our quarrel, or to be flattered with the hope of any future means of bearing the burthens which he is to incur in defending herself against enemies which we have brought

upon her ?

and for your

I cannot set my face against such arguments. Is it quite fair to suppose, that I have no other mo. tive for yielding to them, but a desire of acting against my constituents? It is for

you, interest, as a dear, cherished, and respected part of a valuable whole, that I have taken my share in this question. You do not, you cannot suffer by it. If honesty be true policy with regard to the transient interest of individuals, it is much more certainly fo with regard to the permanent interests of communities. I know, that it is but too natural for us to see our own certain ruin, in


the posible prosperity of other people. It is hard to persuade us, that every thing which is got by another is not taken from ourselves. But it is fit, that we should get the better of these suggestions, which come from what is not the best and found. est

part of our nature, and that we should form to ourselves a way of thinking, more rational, more just, and more religious. Trade is not a limited thing; as if the objects of mutual demand and consumption, could not stretch beyond the bounds of our jealousies. God has given the earth to the children of men, and he has undoubtedly, in giving it to them, given them what is abundantly sufficient for all their exigencies; not a scanty, but a moft liberal provision for them all. The author of our nature has written it strongly in that nature, and has promulgated the fame law in his written word, that man fhall eat his bread by his labour; and I am persuaded, that no man, and no combination of men, for their own ideas of their particular profit, can, without great impiety, undertake to say, that he shall not do so; that they have no sort of right, either to prevent the labour, or to withhold the bread. Ireland having received no compensation, directly or indirectly, for any restraints on their trade, ought not, in justice or common honesty, to be made subject to such restraints. I do not mean to impeach the right of the parliament of Great Britain to make


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