land, you must previously supply her with more means. I believe it will be found, that if men are fuffered freely to cultivate their natural advantages, a virtual equality of contribution will come in its own time, and will flow by an eafy defcent through its own proper and natural channels. An attempt to disturb that course, and to force nature, will only bring on univerfal difcontent, diftrefs and confufion.

You tell me, Sir, that you prefer an union with Ireland to the little regulations which are proposed in parliament. This union is a great question of state, to which, when it comes properly before me in my parliamentary capacity, I fhall give an honest and unprejudiced confideration. However, it is a fettled rule with me, to make the most of my actual fituation; and not to refufe to do a proper thing, because there is fomething else more proper, which I am not able to do. This union is a business of difficulty; and on the principles of your letter, a business impracticable. Until it can *be matured into a feasible and defirable scheme, I wish to have as close an union of interest and affection with Ireland, as I can have; and that, I' am fure, is a far better thing than any nominal union of government.

France, and indeed moft extenfive empires, which by various defigns and fortunes have grown into one great mafs, contain many provinces that

are very different from each other in privileges and modes of government; and they raise their fupplies in different ways; in different proportions; and under different authorities; yet none of them are for this reafon curtailed of their na tural rights; but they carry on trade and manufactures with perfect equality. In fome way or other the true balance is found; and all of them are properly poised and harmonifed. How much have you loft by the participation of Scotland in all your commerce? The external trade of England has more than doubled fince that period; and I believe your internal (which is the most advantageous) has been augmented at leaft fourfold. Such virtue there is in liberality of fentiment, that you have grown richer even by the partnership of poverty.

If you think, that this participation was a loss, commercially considered, but that it has been compenfated by the fhare which Scotland has taken in defraying the publick charge-I believe you have not very carefully looked at the publick accounts. Ireland, Sir, pays a great deal more than Scotland; and is perhaps as much, and as effectually united to England as Scotland is. But if Scotland, inftead of paying little, had paid nothing at all, we should be gainers, not lofers by acquiring the hearty co-operation of an active intelligent people, towards the increase of the com

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mon stock; inftead of our being employed in watching and counteracting them, and their being employed in watching and counteracting us, with the peevish and churlish jealousy of rivals and enemies on both fides.

I am fure, Sir, that the commercial experience of the merchants of Bristol, will foon difabuse them of the prejudice, that they can trade no longer, if countries more lightly taxed are permitted to deal in the fame commodities at the fame markets. You know, that in fact, you trade very largely where you are met by the goods of all nations. You even pay high duties, on the import of your goods, and afterwards underfell nations lefs taxed, at their own markets; and where goods of the fame kind are not charged at all. If it were otherwife, you could trade very little. You know, that the price of all forts of manufacture is not a great deal inhanced, (except to the domestick confumer) by any taxes paid in this country. This I might very eafily prove.

The fame confideration will relieve you from the apprehenfion you exprefs, with relation to fugars, and the difference of the duties paid here and in Ireland. Those duties affect the interior confumer only; and for obvious reasons, relative to the interest of revenue itself, they muft be proportioned to his ability of payment; but in all cafes in which fugar can be an object of commerce,

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and therefore (in this view) of rivalship, you are fenfible, that you are at least on a par with Ireland. As to your apprehenfions concerning the more advantageous fituation of Ireland, for fome branches of commerce, (for it is fo but for fome) I truft you will not find them more ferious. Millford Haven, which is at your door, may ferve to fhew you, that the mere advantage of ports is not the thing which fhifts the feat of commerce from one part of the world to the other. If I thought you inclined to take up this matter on local confiderations, I should ftate to you, that I do not know any part of the kingdom fo well fituated for an advantageous commerce with Ireland as Bristol; and that none would be fo likely to profit of its prosperity as our city. But your profit and theirs must concur. Beggary and bankruptcy are not the circumftances which invite to an intercourfe with that or with any country; and I believe it will be found invariably true, that the fuperfluities of a rich nation furnish a better object of trade than the neceflities of a poor one. It is the intereft of the commercial world that wealth fhould be found every where.

The true ground of fear, in my opinion, is this; that Ireland, from the vitious fyftem of its internal polity, will be a long time before it can derive any benefit from the liberty now granted, or from any thing elfe. But as I do not vote advantages,

in hopes that they may not be enjoyed, I will not lay any ftrefs upon this confideration. I rather wish, that the parliament of Ireland may, in its own wisdom, remove these impediments, and put their country in a condition to avail itself of its natural advantages. If they do not, the fault is with them, and not with us.

I have written this long letter, in order to give all poffible fatisfaction to my conftituents with regard to the part I have taken in this affair. It gave me inexpreffible concern to find, that my conduct had been a caufe of uneafiness to any of them. Next to my honour and confcience, I have nothing fo near and dear to me as their approbation. However, I had much rather run the risque of displeafing than of injuring them ;—if I am driven to make fuch an option. You obligingly lament, that you are not to have me for your advocate; but if I had been capable of acting as an advocate in oppofition to a plan fo perfectly confonant to my known principles, and to the opinions I had publickly declared on an hundred occafions, I should only disgrace myself, without fupporting with the fmalleft degree of credit or effect, the cause you wished me to undertake. I should have loft the only thing which can make fuch abilities as mine of any use to the world now or hereafter; I mean that authority which is derived from an opinion, that a member speaks the

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