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extremely fhort of that liberality in the commercial system, which, I trust, will one day be adopted. If I had not confidered the prefent refolutions, merely as preparatory to better things, and as a means of fhewing experimentally, that justice to others is not always folly to ourselves, I fhould have contented my felf with receiving them in a cold and filent acquiefcence. Separately confidered, they are matters of no very great importance. But they aim, however imperfectly, at a right principle. I fubmit to the restraint to appease prejudice: I accept the enlargement, fo far as it goes, as the refult of reafon and of found policy.

We cannot be infenfible of the calamities which have been brought upon this nation by an obfti nate adherence to narrow and restrictive plans of government. I confefs, I cannot prevail on myfelf to take them up, precisely at a time, when the moft decifive experience has taught the reft of the world to lay them down. The propofitions in queftion did not originate from me, or from my particular friends. But when things are fo right in themselves, I hold it my duty, not to enquire from what hands they come. I opposed the American meafures upon the very fame principle on which I fupport those that relate to Ireland. I was convinced, that the evils which have arifen from the adoption of the former, would be infinitely aggravated by the rejection of the latter.

Perhaps

Perhaps gentlemen are not yet fully aware of the fituation of their country, and what its exigencies abfolutely require. I find that we are still disposed to talk at our cafe, and as if all things were to be regulated by our good pleafure. I fhould confider it as a fatal fymptom, if, in our prefent diftreffed and adverfe circumstances, we fhould perfift in the errors which are natural only to profperity. One cannot indeed fufficiently lament the continuance of that fpirit of delufion, by which, for a long time paft, we have thought fit to measure our neceffities by our inclinations. Moderation, prudence, and equity, are far more fuitable to our condition, than loftinefs, and confidence, and rigour. We are threatened by enemies of no small magnitude, whom, if we think fit, we may despise, as we have defpifed others; but they are enemies who can only ceafe to be truly formidable, by our entertaining a due refpect for their power. Our danger will not be leffened by our shutting our eyes to it; nor will our force abroad be encreased by rendering ourselves feeble, and divided at home.

There is a dreadful fchifm in the British nation. Since we are not able to re-unite the empire, it is our business to give all poffible vigour and foundnefs to those parts of it which are ftill content to be governed by our councils. Sir, it is proper to inform you, that our meafures must be healing.

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Such a degree of ftrength must be communicated to all the members of the state, as may enable them to defend themselves, and to co-operate in the defence of the whole. Their temper too must be managed, and their good affections cultivated. They may then be difpofed to bear the load with chearfulness, as a contribution towards what may be called with truth and propriety, and not by an empty form of words, a common caufe. Too little dependence cannot be had, at this time of day, on names and prejudices. The eyes of mankind are opened; and communities must be held together by an evident and folid interest. God forbid, that our conduct should demonftrate to the world, that Great Britain can, in no inftance whatsoever, be brought to a sense of rational and equitable policy, but by coercion and force of arms!

I wish you to recollect, with what powers of conceffion, relatively to commerce, as well as to legislation, his majefty's commiffioners to the united colonies have failed from England within this week. Whether these powers are fufficient for their purposes, it is not now my bufinefs to examine. But we all know, that our refolutions in favour of Ireland are trifling and infignificant, when compared with the conceffions to the Americans. At fuch a juncture, I would implore every man, who retains the leaft fpark of regard to the yet remaining honour and fecurity of this country,

not

not to compel others to an imitation of their conduct; or by paffion and violence, to force them to seek in the territories of the feparation, that freedom, and those advantages, which they are not to look for whilft they remain under the wings of their antient government.

After all, what are the matters we difpute with fo much warmth? Do we in these resolutions beStow any thing upon Ireland? Not a filling. We only confent to leave to them, in two or three inftances, the use of the natural faculties which God has given to them, and to all mankind. Is Ireland united to the crown of Great Britain for no other purpose, than that we should counteract the bounty of Providence in her favour? And in proportion as that bounty has been liberal, that we are to regard it as an evil, which is to be met with in every fort of corrective? To fay that Ireland interferes with us, and therefore must be checked, is, in my opinion, a very mistaken, and a very dangerous principle. I must beg leave to repeat, what I took the liberty of suggesting to you in my laft letter, that Ireland is a country, in the fame climate, and of the fame natural qualities and productions, with this; and has confequently no other means of growing wealthy in herself, or, in other words, of being useful to us, but by doing the very fame things which we do, for the fame purposes. I hope that in Great Bri

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tain we shall always purfue, without exception, every means of profperity; and of course, that Ireland will interfere with us in fomething or other; for either, in order to limit her; we must restrain ourfelves, or we muft fall into that fhocking conclufion, that we are to keep our yet remaining dependency, under a general and indifcriminate reftraint, for the mere purpofe of oppreffion. Indeed, Sir, England and Ireland may flourish together. The world is large enough for us both. Let it be our care not to make ourselves too little for it.

I know it is faid, that the people of Ireland do not pay the fame taxes, and therefore ought not in equity to enjoy the fame benefits with this. I had hopes, that the unhappy phantom of a compulfory equal taxation had haunted us long enough. I do affure you, that until it is entirely banished from our imaginations, (where alone it has, or can have any exiftence) we fhall never ceafe to do ourfelves the most fubftantial injuries. To that argument of equal taxation, I can only fay,-that Ireland pays as many taxes as thofe who are the beft judges of her powers, are of opinion fhe can bear. To bear more, fhe must have more ability; and in the order of nature, the advantage muft precede the charge. This difpofition of things, being the law of God, neither you nor I can alter it. So that if you will have more help from Ireland,

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