A.D. 1839.]

GREAT DEBATE ON IRISH AFFAIRS.

friend. But I cannot vote for this resolution. I cannot affirm that Lord Normanby has acted upon the principles I have just laid down. He has not sufficiently set his face against agitation; and in the exercise of mercy, he has been, not indeed corrupt, but far too reckless and indiscriminate. Nevertheless, I shall move no vote of censure." The right hon. baronet ended by warning the House against entering into a collision with the Lords in a position of affairs so little promising as the present, both at home and abroad.

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portion of the noble Chief Secretary's speech was the statistics which he gave, collected from leading landagents, as to the recent increase of the value of land in Ireland. In Galway it had risen from twenty years' to twenty-five years' purchase. In Cork, Limerick, and Tipperary, it had risen from eighteen to twenty-two or twenty-three years' purchase. In Dublin, Carlow, Wicklow, Wexford, Tyrone, Derry, Longford, Monaghan, Cavan, Down, Antrim, Armagh, Fermanagh, and Louth, the price of land had increased by from three to four years' purchase within the last fifteen years. It was also shown that during Lord Normanby's administration there had been a large increase in the value of Irish stocks of various kinds, and the numbers of depositors in the various banks. The Chief Secretary concluded in a strain of great confidence, and even defiance, not unmingled with scorn of his adversaries. "And now," he said, "whatever be the import of this demonstration of the Lords, whether it be a mere exhibition of impotent hostility, or, according to what I must believe to be the more accurate view of the case, amount to no less than an attempt to supersede us in the due conduct and control of the executive government of Ireland, we are at all events determined to have this point cleared up; we will not accept your commentaries, nor your gloss, nor your palliations. We will leave no room for ambiguity. We have had enough of

Mr. Spring Rice was the next speaker. When he concluded, the debate was adjourned, and was resumed the following day by Mr. (afterwards Sir J. E.) Emerson Tennent, Colonel Percival, Mr. Lascelles, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Colonel Conolly, and Mr. Lucas on the side of the Opposition. The Government was defended by Mr. Smith O'Brien, Mr. Bellew, the O'Connor Don, Sir William Somerville, and Mr. Henry Grattan. The House on this occasion was thin and inattentive, and the debate was again adjourned on the motion of Mr. Barron, who resumed it next day. Mr. Grote spoke in favour of the resolution, but restricted his approbation altogether to the Irish policy of Government. Sir E. Lytton Bulwer supported the Government; and with regard to the general question, he said:" If this were a general vote of confidence, he would ask his friend Mr. Grote to point out, in the history of the country, any adminis-partial attacks and isolated charges, of inuendoes and tration more closely identified with great and imperishable ameliorations; and he called on him, as a practical man, to indicate the elements of any Government which, on the whole, would keep better faith with the gradual development of popular civilisation."

abuse, of motions for papers here and for committees there. We now come for a direct and unequivocal opinion at your hands; we will take no low ground; we will exist no longer on sufferance. We tell you that we will not put up with passive acquiescence or endurance. We will not be even contented with acquittal. My noble friend asks you this night for a direct, downright vote of approbation. In the name of the Irish Government, and of the whole Government, as implicated in its Irish policy, I assert fearlessly that we have deserved well of our country. This is a conviction which no taunts of yours can lessen the force of; and upon this issue I call you, the representatives of the empire, to come this night to the vote."

The House again adjourned, on the motion of Mr. Morgan O'Connell, who opened the discussion on the following Thursday. It was carried on by Mr. J. Young, Sir David Roche, Sir Charles Douglas, Mr. William Roche, Mr. Plumtree, Mr. Redington, Sir F. Trench, Mr. Hume, Mr. Lefroy, and Lord Morpeth. The latter said that he found it impossible to remain silent, although he had so recently gone into a vast number of statistical details. He would now confine himself, for the most part, to general principles and They did not come to the vote, however, that night. broad results. The resolutions of Sir Robert Peel," After a speech from Sir James Graham, who described he said, "had been framed in the true party spirit of the resolution of Lord John Russell as a sort of cordial carping and invidious recrimination. If," said the noble given to a dying man, Mr. Duncombe moved the viscount, "the House of Lords and the gentlemen oppo- adjournment of the debate, and next evening brought site really and actually believe that any portion of the forward an amendment, of which he had given notice, big words of charge with which they had filled their condemnatory of the finality principles of the Governmouths were capable of being substantiated, the impro- ment with regard to parliamentary reform. The other priety of the late course of proceeding would appear in speakers this night were Sir George Sinclair, Mr. colours infinitely more glaring, for enough has been Ingham, Mr. Hobhouse, Mr. Leader, and Mr. Sheil. stated, twenty times over, to warrant I do not know how Mr. Leader was particularly severe on the Governmany impeachments." He continued to repel the various ment. "In what position is the Government?" he attacks upon the Government with great spirit and asked. Why, the right hon. member for Tamworth effect. With regard to the pardon of criminals, he said: governs England, the hon. and learned member for It seemed, indeed, that the exercise of the prerogative Dublin governs Ireland-the Whigs govern nothing but of mercy was the only subject upon which no statute of Downing Street. Sir Robert Peel is content with power limitations was to run, the only crime which was inex-without place or patronage, and the Whigs are conpiable and not to be forgiven." The most instructive tented with place and patronage without power. Let

any honourable man say which is the more honourable as the results are everlasting, by dint of energetic resoposition."

lution and union indissoluble, have won from their antagonists their irrevocable freedom. These are they that, following up that noble event in no unworthy spirit, became the auxiliaries of their British fellow-citizens in another great achievement, and now, demanding equality as its only alternative, and putting in for that equality a justly imperative requisition, stand before you in one vast array, in which, with increasing numbers, increasing wealth, increasing intelligence, and consolidated power, are associated, and offer to your most solemn thoughts a series of reflections which should teach you to beware of collision with the Irish people."

The House was next addressed by Lord Stanley, who said this vote, if agreed to, would be of no value to the Government. It would have no operation at all on the Lords; and on the character of the Commons it would produce a bad one, by evincing a want of common prudence. The majority by whom it would be carried would be a very small one, less than the number of official members in the House, and it would be obtained only by the aid of unwilling friends and hard taskmasters. Mr. O'Connell followed Lord Stanley. Sir Francis Burdett attempted to speak, but was forced to sit down by the shouts of "Divide!" and "Question!"

memoráble party debate ended in a triumph for the
Government. On a division, the numbers were-for
Sir Robert Peel's amendment, 296; against it, 318.
Majority for the Ministry, 22.

Mr. Sheil, roused by the attacks upon his country, delivered one of his most powerful orations, composed of argument, fired by passion. The parallel between Ireland and Scotland, which constituted the peroration of his speech, deserves a place in history. "You would inquire," he said, "into the state of Ireland. Spare yourselves that superfluous labour-let your wonder cease. If any other country had been governed as you have governed us, would the results have been the same with those presented by that island for whose guilt as well as misfortunes it ought to occur to you to hold yourselves responsible ? Take any country-take, if you please, that of the honourable member for Kilmarnock, who is making notes of what I am uttering-I will furnish him materials for a reply by inquiring of him, or of any Scottish gentleman who hears me, what would have been the fate of his own prosperous nation under the application of such policy as has been adopted towards that ill-fated country whose calamitous condition you are now lamenting? I would ask, if Scotland had been portioned out by the sword of military rapine among merciless adventurers-if, after the work of robbery was done, a code for the debasement of the Presbyterian population had been enacted-Lord John Russell then replied; and this great and if the Presbyterians of Scotland had not only been despoiled of their property, but deprived of all power to acquire any-if they had been shut out of every honourable employment-if they had been spoliated of every political franchise, deprived of education, and brought down to a state of worse than feudal vassalage-and if, moreover, all these legislative atrocities had been perpetrated under the pretence of maintaining an Episcopal Establishment among a degraded Calvinistic people, have you any doubt-can even the member for Kilmar-servatives, the new Government could not hope to exist nock disbelieve-that Scotland would now present to Tory orators a field no less desolate for their mournful expatiation? Inquire, forsooth, into the state of Ireland since 1835! No, sir! But from the day on which to rapacity, to cruelty, to degradation, to oppression, by which the wise are maddened, our wretched island was surrendered-from that day to this hour let your inquiry be extended, and you may then learn that it is not at the door of Lord Normanby that Irish atrocities ought to be laid, but that they should be deposited at your fathers' graves-that the long inheritance of their guilt should descend upon you. And you think," cried the impassioned speaker, "to plant your feet upon our neck! Ah, be not too sure of that. We are no more what once we were-no nation, but a mere degraded populace. An unexampled change has fallen upon those mighty numbers, who, in progressive recovery from the effects of conquest, rapine, and oppression, have brought to bear upon a tyranny once deemed as irresistible as it was remorseless, the resources which nothing but a cause just beyond all others in the sight of Heaven, and the deepest consciousness of its rectitudo could supply; and after a struggle of which the fame should be as imperishable

The majority obtained on their Irish policy was about the number the Ministry could count on every vital question. It was not sufficiently large to exempt them from the imputation of holding office on sufferance; but if they were defeated, and succeeded by the Con

even on those terms; while Lord Melbourne had this advantage over Sir Robert Peel, that he was cordially supported by the Sovereign. Having escaped the Irish ordeal, it might be supposed that he was safe for a considerable time. But another question arose very soon after, on which the Cabinet sustained a virtual defeat. The Assembly in Jamaica had proved very refractory, and, in order to avoid the evil consequences of its perversity, Mr. Labouchere, on the 9th of April, brought forward a measure which was a virtual suspension of the constitution of the island for five years, vesting the government in the Governor and council, with three commissioners sent from England to assist in ameliorating the condition of the negroes, improving prison discipline, and establishing a system of poor laws. This measure was opposed by the whole strength of the Opposition. The question may be thus briefly stated. Previous to the Act of Emancipation, all punishments were inflicted on slaves by the domestics of the master, who was unwilling to lose the benefit of their services by sending them to prison. But when emancipation took place, that domestic power was terminated, and new prison regulations became necessary. The Colonial Legislature, however, persistently refused to adopt any,

A.D. 1839.]

RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS.

433

and continued a course of systematic resistance to the only five, which was regarded as tantamount to a defeat. will of the supreme Government, whose earnest and On the 7th of May, therefore, Lord John Russell anrepeated recommendation had been utterly disregarded. nounced that Ministers had tendered their resignation, It was contended, on the part of the Government, that if which was accepted by the Queen. He assigned as the such a state of things were permitted to exist, the au- reason for this step that the vote which had passed thority of Great Britain over its colonies would speedily must weaken the authority of the Crown in the colonies, be lost, and every little island that owed its political by giving support to the contumacy of Jamaica, and existence to the protection afforded by the Imperial encouraging other colonies to follow its bad example.

Government, would, without scruple, set its power at defiance.

Such being the state of the case, it might be supposed that no serious objection would be raised to the course adopted, in the interests of humanity and good government. But the Conservatives seized the opportunity for another party contest, and became quite vehement in their defence of the constitutional rights of the Jamaica planters. The debate was protracted for several nights, and counsel against the bill were heard at great length. Eventually the division took place, at five in the morning on the 6th of May, when the numbers were 294 to 289, giving the Government a majority of VOL. VII.-No. 349.

This obvious consideration rendered more painfully ap、 parent the weakness of the Government, arising from division among its supporters; for if anything could have induced the different sections of the Liberal party to suppress their differences, it would have been the necessity of interposing, in the manner proposed by the Government, to shield the unhappy negroes from the oppression of their exasperated taskmasters. To this state of things, as the real cause of the resignation, Lord Melbourne subsequently referred in the House of Peers. He said :

"I should be exceedingly sorry if the accusation could be justly made against me of abandoning my post

EXPLANATION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL.