The Jewish Sanhedrim said, on a memorable occasion, " If we let HIM thus alone, all men will believe on him; and the Romans shall come, and take away both our place and nation." They, therefore, did not let Him alone; yet this act, on which they considered their chief safety depended, was their ruin. It, and it alone, brought upon them the Romans. And, in like manner, if we let not the Catholics alone, and leave them not to remain as they now are, but will let them into Parliament, the thing which we fear will also come upon us: and the Romans will come upon us, and take away both our civil and our religious rights. Like Samson, they will lay hold on both pillars, and pull down the house about the ears of the Lords of the Philistines

And, with her wonder-working lies,
Again bid Babylon arise.

If, however, they shall be brought into Parliament, one step more is necessary; and that is, that the King must be freed from his Coronation oath, and be obliged to be a Protestant no longer than he shall so please. The doctrine laid down by J. K. L., "That should the Monarch violate his compact, the subject is freed from the bond of his allegiance," is one perfectly correct. But then the reverse of this must also hold, viz. "That if the people violate their compact with the Monarch, the King is freed from the bond of his oath, which he gave them, to be a Protestant King." The Constitution bound him to be this; and that he might be it, and conduct the affairs of the nation on Protestant principles, it gave him a Protestant Parliament, and surrounded him with Protestant advisers, who should be responsible, with their heads, for the advice that they gave him, if any way injurious to this Protestant Constitution. But if they shall violate this part of the contract,-if they shall give him a Protestant Parliament, in whole or in part, and if they shall surround him with Catholic advisers, they have violated the contract. He is no longer able to rule as a Protestant Prince,to direct all his measures for Protestant ascendancy,-and, therefore, as the nation has freed him from his engagement, he is left at liberty to become a Catholic Prince whenever he chuses. He was only bound to remain a Protestant so long as the Constitution was purely and exclusively Protestant; and that not being the case, when Catholics are admitted into Parliament, it follows that he is free; for it is an essential and fundamental rule in all contracts, that the one cannot be bound, and the other get free. Both must be bound, or neither.

This liberty to him, sound policy must dictate, the instant that Catholics come into power, and are elevated to be Legislators. One of the greatest causes of complaint is, that though now they, as Catholics, enjoy perfect religious liberty, though they are admitted to the magistracy, to the elective franchise, may purchase land, and enjoy every other privilege with the rest of his majesty's subjects; yet, the few places from which they are excluded, they maintain, fix upon them and their religion a stigma which they can ill bear. It is the badge of degradation.

But if exclusion from the Bench, the Parliament, and some high offices of places and emolument, be a stigma upon them and their religion, surely, then, to be excluded from the CROWN, if the Heir-Apparent were a Catholic, would be a still greater STIGMA; and, therefore, to remove every cause of complaint,-to gratify them (as they have been of late) even like spoiled children, Parliament should enact, that not only the Parliament and the Cabinet should be open to them, but also the Crown itself. Without this, there will remain a painful and debasing distinction between Protestants and Catholics; and therefore they will plead, that justice, reason, humanity, and religion, call for its removal. And why not? May not a Catholic King rule a Protestant people, as well as a Protestant King rule a Catholic population of six millions of souls? There is no end to this reasoning. It is as solid and reasonable as any now used for a seat in Parlia inent. Let us, therefore, do a just and generous act once: put down all distinctions; and that henceforth there may no stigma, even in imagina

tion, rest on, or be felt by Catholics, as to their eligibility to all offices, let us thus declare them eligible to the throne, and laugh at our forefathers as a parcel of fools, for spending their blood and treasure to place the House of Hanover on the Throne of James II. Let us break down every fence and safeguard our ancestors reared for the triumph and security of the Protestant Religion, for fear of the Catholics.

And what good would this do for liberty? how would it promote toleration? how banish from the mind of Catholics that there is no harın in Heresy, as they call Protestantism? or how would it free them from tithes, and all the burdens of supporting another Church, which, they say, presses upon them so severely in Ireland? But we should like to know if their admission into Parliament would destroy and annul the Articles of Union with Scotland, or allow Catholics to get into her Courts of Law, into her Churches, and into her Universities? If not-where, in Scotland, would there be an equality,-a community of interests and feelings, all leading to conciliation and harmony? While one class of mankind hold exclusively the loaves and the fishes in any country, such a class must be the objects of envy, and the cause of discontent, to all those who are eager to share them with their possessors. Unless, therefore, Parliament be resolved to break the Articles of Union with Scotland, and to open to Catholics the Bench of Bishops, the Universities,-all Ecclesiastical Corporations, and even the way to the Throne itself, we cannot see how this concession is to give content, and shut out farther claims. To admit them into Parliament, and the high offices of the State,-to put power into their hands, and, it may be, the resources of the country, and to shut them out, in Scotland and England, the Church and the Universities, appear to us not wise.

In whatever way the question is looked at, there is, we confess, nothing but a choice of difficulties. With the concessions that have already been granted, wisdom would pause; and were Lord Bacon alive, he would hint, probably recommend, the propriety of trying the experiment, and stopping to see the effect of all those concessions on the great body of the Irish Catholics which have of late been granted them. As prosperity is flowing in upon Ireland, as its situation is ameliorating,-as trade and manufactures are extending with education, and as signs of general improvement are appearing in that Island,-why not give a little leisure to see the combined results of all these operating causes? May not these change the Irish character, even that of the Catholics?

-

The Catholicism of Ireland strikes the contemplative mind with astonishment. In so far as her general population are concerned, they seem to be living in the dark ages. The scenes of cruel barbarism, which, from time to time, take place among them, fill with loathing the man of humanity. Why is Catholicism in Ireland more gloomy, dark, and superstitious, than in other Catholic countries? Why is there one set of RAGGAMUFFINS, rising up after another, and exhibiting every where scenes of rapine and murder? We answer, and we do it fearlessly: It is not the system of middlemen, nor of tithes, nor of landed proprietors not living on their estates. All these, no doubt, have their deadening influence; but all of them put together equal not the effects of their religious system. The Bible is kept from them. Their children have improper school-books put into their hands, which vitiate their morals, and deprave their characters; fed with legendary lore,-the wonders and efficacy of relics, and all the dismal stories which overawed and fettered the mind in the worse period of Romish superstition and bigotry, they cannot become a moral people under this system. Misgovernment and misrule, together with poverty, and a rancorous hate against Orangemen, have lowered their character, and often plunged them into vices and crimes. But of all the causes which have tended to form the Irish character, there has been none like their religion. Correct it, and all will be well. Make Catholicism the established religion of Ireland; bid the Episcopalians and them change sides; restore to them the patrimony of St. Peter, as enjoyed by their Popish ancestors; and in temper, manners, and contentment, the Irish

will equal the Catholics of other states, where that religion is professed, patronized, and cherished by the State.

At the time that James ascended the throne of England, there was a violent attempt by the Bishops and the Sovereign to establish Episcopacy. The cry then was, "No Bishop, no King." It was imagined that if the Presbyterians got into power, they would form a commonwealth, Monarchy, as it was represented, being hateful to them. It is unnecessary to do more than allude to the fact. They obtained, however, political power, and have, notwithstanding all the prophecies and all the fears, been as loyal to their King and country as the Episcopalians. And may not this be the case with the Catholics? May they not 150 years hence prove as loyal, as enlightened, and intelligent as the Presbyterians, if you make them, in Ireland, the established Church, as Presbytery was then made in Scotland?

Our answer to this is, with all our friendship for the Catholics, that the thing is impossible, whilst they hold their present religious tenets. The principles of Presbytery tend, each and all of them, to liberty. The principles of Popery, with the whole discipline of the Church, tend to tyranny. This is the secret,—the key to the whole; and if the Catholics be brought into Parliament, with their principles, it will be necessary, if we wish to retain liberty, to allow all the Dissenters and Sectarians the same privilege; and then, what a delightful Assembly will it be! Horace's picture will be realized.

Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam
Jungere si velit, et varias inducere plumas,
Undique collatis membris, ut turpitur atrum
Desinat in piscem mulier formosa superne:
Spectatum admissi risum teneatis, amici ?

The proof that Catholics are not yet fit for the full participation of the British Constitution, and of coalescing cordially with Protestants in the administration of public affairs, we should now proceed to show, from the theological principles of C. C., and from his advocating the strange doctrines of Purgatory," prayers for the dead,"-" the invocation of the Virgin Mary and Saints,' Transubstantiation,"-" the real Presence,”-and "the sacrifice of the Mass," &c. &c. But as this paper is already too extended, we must claim a corner in one of your future Numbers.

HAVING lov'd not is an ill,
Having lov'd another still;
But how keener far the pain,
'Tis to love and love in vain!
Nought to love is pride of birth,—
Love now tramples to the earth
Manners mild, attainments high,-
Wealth alone charms woman's eye.
Ruin seize him who, of old,
Cherish'd first the love of gold,
Through which brothers are no more,
Parents love not as before;
Murders dire and bloody fields
Are the blessings money yields;
And, far worse! from riches flow
Lovers' fears and lovers' woe.

To the Old.

Φιλῶ γέροντα τερπνον
Φιλῶ νέον χορευταν.

F. A.

Sprightly old men I like to see,
And young ones frisking merrily;
But when an old man, full of glee,
Lightly through the dance is whirling,
Though grey hairs are o'er him stealing,
He is young in soul and feeling.

To Cupid.

̔Αι Μουσαι τὸν Ερωτα
Δήσασαι ςεφάνοισι.

The Muses having Cupid bound
With linked garlands wreath'd around,
The little god to Beauty gave;
While Venus hies to free the slave,

EDUCATION OF SCOTTISH CLERGYMEN".

Overtures from the General Assembly to the several Presbyteries of Scotland, respecting a New System of Education for Aspirants to the Church, &c.

THE reader will recollect, that these overtures are under the fostering care of Dr Chalmers, though they did not originate with him; for he has declared, that he was indebted to a brother of Glasgow for the idea of them at first. But it is a matter of trivial consequence who may be their real father; it is at least certain, that, to all intents and purposes, they are the Doctor's by adoption; we must therefore consider him as engaged in their support, from an internal feeling of the usefulness of the object which they have in view,-as giving his decision, after a serious and impartial examination of the subject, in their favour.

We have as high an opinion of the talents and judgment of this Reverend Gentleman as most people; and in his views of the proficiency which theological students generally attain, under the present system of education, in those branches of knowledge to which their attention is directed, and the consequent state of learning which is found in the Church, we give him our most cordial acquiescence. We recollect, in 1821, to have read in the newspapers what was seemingly a

pretty full report of a speech which he delivered in the General Assembly, on the above topics; we read with that pleasure which the display of his powers is fitted to awake in the mind of others, and were feelingly alive to the truth of much which his remarks embodied. The gloomy picture which he drew of the listless ignorance which pervades our seminaries of theological instruction, was more a faithful picture than a caricature; and one, while he read, might well have been disposed to ask, if the dense cloud which hung over the Church, between the ninth and twelfth centuries was yet dissipated? We will even go farther than Dr Chalmers. We will join issue with him, as far as ecclesiastical education is concerned; and, moreover, venture to state, that not a little of what he urged as applicable to it, may not improperly be extended to universityeducation in general. It is too notorious to be denied, that many who have attended our colleges show but little of that enlightened understanding and liberal spirit which it is the object of these seminaries to confer. of consequence, their superiority over the generality of mankind is very far from being decided, but, on the contrary, is of so very equivocal a nature, that it may only expose them and the said seminaries to the sneers and contempt of such as have

• The above article was sent us anonymously, which circumstance of itself furnishes an insuperable objection to a majority of the communications sent us: but it is written in so calm, dispassionate a style, and displays so much moderation and good sense, that we have resolved to infringe our general rule, and give it a place in our Journal.

Our constant readers will observe, that the concluding remarks, in regard to the Society recently instituted for improving the system of church-patronage in Scotland, differ toto coelo from the opinions expressed in a late article, entitled "The Kirkman and Dissenter." Now, nobody, we presume, will be so absurd as to suppose that slight discrepancies of this sort are inconsistent with the unity of design and general harmony of tone which ought to characterize a periodical work; far less ascribe every shade or variety of opinion entertained and expressed by his contributors to the Editor him. self. It is not possible, nor, if it were, desirable, that all the writers for a Journal of this kind should think alike in every respect, and on every variety of subject; nor will such a nice squaring and adjustment be expected by any reasonable person, unless from those who are the retainers or advocates of a particular party or sect,-a species of vassalage from which we boast a proud and total exemption. We state these things once for all, because the Editor has observed opinions expressed on a particular subject, in itself totally indifferent, and scarcely deserving an opinion of any sort, gravely and formally ascribed to himself.-Editor.

VOL. XVI.

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