and he publicly asserted, that should they ever be base enough to do so, the people would have a right to oppose it; for his part he would oppose it there and every where; if his opposition to it in that house should not be successful, he would oppose it in the field: it was no common question; it was one that went to the very existence of his country. He had made up his mind on what his conduct should be; he should either live free, or fall by the cut of some Hessian sabre, or other foreign mercenary. While he had existence he would oppose it.

Hon. Major Acheson said he would oppose the measure of a Legislative Union as derogatory from the dignity of Ireland, and would support the amendment.

Sir H. Cavendish opposed the amendment.

Mr. Massey supported the original address, and opposed the amendment.

Mr. W. G. Newcomen not having been instructed by his constituents to oppose the measure of an Union, considered himself at liberty to vote for its discussion, not pledging himself however to any future support of the question.

Hon. James Butler opposed the amendment.

Mr. Attorney General went into remote history to shew, that Ireland had formerly sent members to the English parliament; that a resident parliament was inefficient to obtain for that kingdom real legislative freedom; and that circumstanced as they were, in danger from foreign and internal foes, an incorporated Union with England was absolutely necessary for their own security and that of the empire.

Colonel Bagwell declared his sentiments to be for an Union. Mr. Richard Dawson gave his decided disapprobation of the measure, and supported the amendment.

Mr. Saunderson, as an independent Irish country gentleman, would oppose the Union in every shape.

Mr. French observed that, scarcely allowed time to breathe after having suppressed a cruel and unnatural rebellion, they were called upon to decide on a question of unparalleled magnitude; and any decision on that great point would be, in his mind, premature, till the wishes of the great body of the people were fully and sufficiently known; without their consent either expressed or implied by their acquiescence, the legislature ought not, they had no right to make a radical change in the constitution. The people had not yet had time to make their sentiments known; some few counties had indeed instructed their representatives; the northern counties were silent; the south and west were silent. The Presbyterians in the north, and the Roman Catholics in the south and west, a numerous and respect

able part of the community, had not yet declared their sentíments; they seemed to hold back with a respectful deference, till they should understand the subject better.

Under these circumstances, he could not approve of either the original address or the amendment; the one tended to approve of the principle of Union, and the other to preclude any discussion of the subject; he ultimately voted for the original address.

Sir Edward O'Brien declared he would oppose the measure of an Union whenever proposed, and voted for the amend

ment.

Mr. S. Moore supported the original address, and opposed

the amendment.

Mr. R. Archdall was against the amendment, and intreated the house not to refuse their consideration of the question, and said, that for his own part, when the day for calling the house, announced by the noble lord near him, (Tyrone) should arrive, he would not be afraid to meet the proposition, and to consider it, and dispose of it, as it might deserve.

Mr. W. B. Ponsonby had no hesitation in declaring the very proposal of Union an attack on the constitution of Ireland, that argued unpardonable temerity; he would therefore oppose it in every form and stage.

Mr. Arthur Moor would not, by giving a silent vote on that important morning, (then ten o'clock) appear temporizing or lukewarm in a cause, in which he was as willing to perish as to speak; he was very personally severe on Mr. Coote, the member for Queen's County, who was supposed to have received promotion to a colonelcy on the preceding day, for voting against the instructions of his constituents. Sir John Parnell was his colleague for Queen's County, which drew more attention to the colonel's vote. He thus spoke. "But the honourable gentleman (I beg pardon of the honourable colonel) is not only determined to vote, but has ventured to speak in favour of this "ruinous project, and of his own principles of action; and the "honourable gentleman (I beg pardon again of the honourable "colonel) asks with a voice of triumph, inspired I presume by "the authority of his new command, how will gentlemen quiet "the country? How will they put an end to the dissensions by "which it is torn, but by the measure recommended from the "throne? I will tell the honourable gentleman (I again beg par"don of the honourable colonel) I run into those mistakes from 66 want of use, as I understand the honourable colonel's commis"sion is no older than yesterday. I will tell the honourable "colonel how the country may be quieted, and how it is possi"ble to put an end to her dissensions, and that too by the most "constitutional means; by independent men such as the ho

"nourable colonel, not presuming, when the constitution is "at stake, to disobey the instructions of their constituents; by "such men as the honourable colonel, holding themselves above "the allurements of office or promotion, when honest and virtuous men are removed for daring to advise and to act for the public good, and when it may be disgraceful and degrading "both in point of the time and the conditions, to accept of any "favour from those in power. If the representatives of the peoแ ple of Ireland will act that part, the honourable colonel will "then see, that he is grossly in error, when he calls the indepen"dence of Ireland a phantom." He concluded a long and animated speech by repeating his opinion, that parliament, unless authorized by the explicit unequivocal sense of the people, had no right to consent to the measure of a legislative union with Great Britain, and that if it should adopt such a measure against the consent of the people, there was no inherent moral right in the legislature so to do, by which the nation would be bound to adopt the proceeding.

Mr. Odell opposed the amendment.

Mr. William Smith at so late an hour (then about noon) would, with a view to brevity, substitute assertion in the place of argument. As every lawyer who had risen to oppose the measure, had thought proper, at the same time, to protest against the authority of parliament to achieve it, he rose as a lawyer, to record his dissent from what he conceived to be so unfounded, and so mischievous a doctrine. He rose explicitly to declare his decided opinion, that parliament was as competent to conclude an union, as it was to enact a turnpike bill: He meant not to detract from the importance of the former great imperial arrangement, or to insinuate, that the sense of the community upon it was not deserving of their most serious attention: he meant only to assert the theoretic, constitutional competence of the Irish legislature.

Mr. Stewart, of Killymoon, declared himself in favour of Mr. Ponsonby's amendment.

Colonel Uniacke opposed the amendment, as did Mr. Staples.

Mr. Serjeant Stanley supported the address to the king in its original form.

Mr. Thomas Townsend replied to Mr. Serjeant Stanley and to Mr. William Smith. He would oppose the Union projected by every possible means: it was fatal to the liberties of Ireland. As a constitutional question it was utterly untenable, as a matter of policy it was ruinous to the peace, honour, freedom, and real interests of that kingdom as well as Great Britain.

Sir L. Parsons said that at that late hour he did not rise to speak to the question at large. The sentiment of the nation was now

so decidedly evinced, by the sense of the independent gentlemen in the house against an union, that he hoped the minister would never give him an opportunity of speaking to the subject again, but would abandon it. If however he should further persevere, Sir Lawrence would take the earliest opportunity of speaking his sentiments fully, and should now content himself with declaring his decided disapprobation of the measure.

Mr. L. Morres opposed the amendment; as did also Mr. H. D. Grady.

The honourable G. Knox said, that he should reserve himself for a full discussion of the important question in agitation, until it came more directly before the house. At present he merely rose to state, that nothing which he had heard that night, had produced the slightest alteration in the sentiments which he, in common with his constituents (the college), was known to entertain upon the subject.

Mr. G. Ponsonby replied to the principal arguments advanced from the other side of the house, and closed the longest and most interesting debate ever heard within those walls, by conjuring gentlemen not to be calculating on the probable effect of their vote, but for every man to act as if engaged in a battle, where the victory depended on his single arm; ever holding in remem. brance, that conquest does not always depend on numbers; a small and virtuous band of Spartans having saved the liberties of Greece, and a gallant officer (Vereker, member for Limerick,) stopped the progress of an invader in their own country, with his small, but brave band of 200 men. He concluded by declaring, that never in the course of his life did he feel such delightful sentiments, as that moment, when he contemplated the virtue and spirit, the proud integrity displayed by the gentlemen, with whom he then had the honour of acting, and, he trusted, of closing in honest victory an honest contest. He omened great

and solid, and permanent advantages and blessings to the country, from the scene, which that day and the preceding night had been displayed in the Irish House of Commons-not the "Permanent Arrangements" glanced at in the speech from the throne, but such as would, in securing the honour and independence of Ireland, contribute most effectually to the strength and glory of the empire.

This first debate on the Union,* which afforded to the minister the unsatisfactory victory of a majority of one voice, lasted twenty-two hours: the house adjourned to ten o'clock of the morning of the 24th. During the whole of this first debate the avenues to the house were crowded with persons awaiting the result of the debate, which though the question were lost, was considered as a victory by the Anti-Unionists, and proclaimed as such by various demonstrations of joy through the metropolis. Some outrages and insults were offered to members supposed to be Unionists as they went into or came out of the house. When on the 24th of the month the address was reported, on the reading that † part of it, which related to an Union, Sir L. Parsons objected to the paragraph, as pledging the house under a metaphorical expression to admit the principle of a Legislative Union. Before 1782, when Ireland was struggling for her independency, and the English government contending against it, the consequence was, that all the principal persons in official situations at that time, by voting continually with the minister against their national claims, became so odious and were so blackened in the eyes of the people,that even after they had obtained their independency, the people could place no confidence in government composed of those men, who had so long resisted it. Sixteen years had removed many of these men, and nearly obliterated the recollection of these old conflicts: and just at the time that it might be hoped, that a government well conducted might possess the public confidence, this unfortu nate measure of an Union was now brought forward, reviving political controversies, kindling anew political jealousies between the two kingdoms, and debasing and blackening all the official men in high situations here, in the opinion of the people; for never, never could the people of Ireland place confidence in an administration, composed of men, who on this occasion had shewn.

* I have been more minute in the report of this first debate, than it may be necessary in future, in order to shew the disposition, temper, and opinions of those, who opposed and who supported the measure of Union; and also faithfully to put the reader in possession of the weight of argument on each side. It must be impartially allowed, that in this first contest, talent, energy, and independence preponderated on the side of the minority. †This paragraph relating to the Union was as follows. "The unremitting "activity, with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of endea vouring to effect a separation of this kingdom from Great Britain, must con"stantly engage our most earnest attention; and as your majesty has conde. "scended to express an anxious hope, that this circumstance, joined to the "sentiment of mutual affection and common interest, may dispose the parlia"ment in both kingdoms to provide the most effectual means of maintaining "and improving a connection essential to their common security, and of con"solidating as far as possible, into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, "the power, and the resources of the British empire, we shall not fail to give "the fullest consideration to a communication of such momentous impor

tance."