month, that after parliament had been led into a step quite unparalleled in its records, after they had resisted all concession, and even hearing, with an obstinacy equal to any thing that could have actuated a party domination in the second or eighth of Queen Anne, after the strange adventure of the grand juries, and after parliament had listened to the sovereign pleading for the emancipation of his subjects;-it was after all this, that such a grudging and discontent was expressed as must justly have alarmed, as it did extremely alarm, the whole of the Catholic body: and I remember but one period in my whole life (I mean the savage period between 1761 and 1767), in which they have been more harshly or contumeliously treated than since the last partial enlargement. And thus I am convinced it will be by paroxysms, as long as any stigma remains on them, and whilst they are considered as no better than half citizens. If they are kept such for any length of time they will be made whole Jacobins. Against this grand and dreadful evil of our time (I do not love to cheat myself or others), I do not know any solid security whatsoever. But I am quite certain that what will come nearest to it is to interest as many as you can in the present order of things, religiously, civilly, politically, by all the ties and principles by which mankind are held. This is like to be effectual policy: I am sure it is honourable policy and it is better to fail, if fail we must, in the paths of direct and manly, than of low and crooked wisdom.

:

As to the capacity of sitting in parliament, after all the capacities for voting for the army, for the navy, for the professions, for civil offices, it is a dispute de laná caprina, in my poor opinion; at least on the part of those who oppose it. In the first place, this admission to office and this exclusion from parliament, on the principle of an exclusion from political power, is the very reverse of the principle of the English Test Act. If I were to form a judgment from experience rather than theory, I should doubt much whether the capacity for, or even the possession of a seat in parliament did really convey much of power to be properly called political. I have sat there with some observation, for nine-and-twenty years, or thereabouts. The power of a member of parliament is uncertain and indirect and if power rather than splendour and fame were the object, I should think that any of the principal clerks in office, to say nothing of their superiors (several of whom are disqualified by law for seats in parliament), possess far more power than ninetenths of the members of the House of Commons. I might say this of men, who seemed from their fortunes, their weight in their country, and their talents, to be persons of figure there; and

persons too not in opposition to the prevailing party in govern

ment.

But be they what they will, on a fair canvass of the several prevalent parliamentary interests in Ireland, I cannot, out of the three hundred members of whom the Irish parliament is composed, discover that above three, or at the utmost four Catholics would be returned to the House of Commons. But suppose they should amount to thirty, that is to a tenth part, (a thing I hold impossible for a long series of years, and never very likely to happen,) what is this to those who are to balance them in the one House, and the clear and settled majority in the other? For I think it absolutely impossible that, in the course of many years, above four or five peers should be created of that communion. In fact, the exclusion of them seems to me only to mark jealousy and suspicion, and not to provide security in any way. But I return to the old ground. The danger is not there:-these are things long since done away. The grand controversy is no longer between you and them. Forgive this length. My pen has insensibly run on. You are yourself to blame if you are much fatigued. I congratulate you on the auspicious opening of your session. Surely Great Britain and Ireland ought to join in wreathing a never-fading garland for the head of Grattan. Adieu! my dear sir-good nights to you!--I never can have any.

Yours always most sincerely,

EDMUND BUrke.

January 29, 1795. Twelve at night.

A

SECOND LETTER

ΤΟ

SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.

MY DEAR SIR,

If I am not as early as I ought to be in my acknowledgments for your very kind letter, pray do me the justice to attribute my failure to its natural, and but too real cause, a want of the most ordinary power of exertion, owing to the impressions made upon an old and infirm constitution by private misfortune and by public calamity. It is true I make occasional efforts to rouse myself to something better-but I soon relapse into that state of languor, which must be the habit of my body and understanding to the end of my short and cheerless existence in this world.

I am sincerely grateful for your kindness in connecting the interest you take in the sentiments of an old friend with the able part you take in the service of your country. It is an instance, among many, of that happy temper which has always given a character of amenity to your virtues, and a good-natured direction to your talents.

Your speech on the Catholic question I read with much satisfaction. It is solid; it is convincing; it is eloquent; and it ought, on the spot, to have produced that effect, which its reason, and that contained in the other excellent speeches on the same side of the question, cannot possibly fail (though with less pleasant consequences) to produce hereafter. What a sad thing it is, that the grand instructor, Time, has not yet been able to teach the grand lesson of his own value; and that, in every question of moral and political prudence, it is the choice of the moment which renders the measure serviceable or useless, noxious or salutary.

In the Catholic question I considered only one point. Was it, at the time, and in the circumstances, a measure which tended to

promote the concord of the citizens? I have no difficulty in saying it was; and as little in saying, that the present concord of the citizens was worth buying, at a critical season, by granting a few capacities, which probably no one man now living is likely to be served or hurt by. When any man tells you and me, that if these places were left in the discretion of a Protestant crown, and these memberships in the discretion of Protestant electors, or patrons, we should have a popish official system, and a popish representation, capable of overturning the establishment, he only insults our understandings. When any man tells this to Catholics, he insults their understandings, and he galls their feelings. It is not the question of the places and seats; it is the real hostile disposition, and the pretended fears that leave stings in the minds of the people. I really thought that, in the total of the late circumstances, with regard to persons, to things, to principles, and to measures, was to be found a conjuncture, favourable to the introduction and to the perpetuation of a general harmony, producing a general strength, which to that hour Ireland was never so happy as to enjoy. My sanguine hopes are blasted, and I must consign my feelings on that terrible disappointment to the same patience in which I have been obliged to bury the vexation I suffered on the defeat of the other great, just, and honourable causes, in which I have had some share; and which have given more of dignity, than of peace and advantage, to a long laborious life. Though, perhaps, a want of success might be urged as a reason for making me doubt of the justice of the part I have taken, yet until I have other lights than one side of the debate has furnished me, I must see things and feel them too, as I see and feel them. I think I can hardly overrate the malignity of the principles of Protestant ascendency, as they affect Ireland; or of Indianism as they affect these countries, and as they affect Asia; or of Jacobinism, as they affect all Europe and the state of human society itself. The last is the greatest evil. But it really combines with the others, and flows from them. Whatever breeds discontent at this time, will produce that great master-mischief most infallibly. Whatever tends to persuade the people, that the few, called by whatever name you please, religious or political, are of opinion that their interest is not compatible with that of the many, is a great point gained to Jacobinism. Whatever tends to irritate the talents of a country, which have at all times, and at these particularly, a mighty influence on the public mind, is of infinite service to that formidable cause. Unless where Heaven has mingled uncommon ingredients of virtue in the composition-quos meliore luto finxit præcordia Titan-talents naturally gravitate to Jacobinism. Whatever ill-humours are afloat in the state, they will be sure to

discharge themselves in a mingled torrent in the cloacá maximá of Jacobinism. Therefore people ought well to look about them. First, the physicians are to take care that they do nothing to irritate this epidemical distemper. It is a foolish thing to have the better of the patient in a dispute. The complaint or its cause ought to be removed, and wise and lenient arts ought to precede the measures of vigour. They ought to be the ultima, not the prima, not the tota ratio of a wise government. God forbid that on a worthy occasion authority should want the means of force, or the disposition to use it. But where a prudent and enlarged policy does not precede it, and attend it too, where the hearts of the better sort of people do not go with the hands of the soldiery, you may call your constitution what you will, in effect it will consist of three parts (orders, if you please), cavalry, infantry, and artillery—and of nothing else or better.

I agree with you in your dislike of the discourses in Francisstreet: but I like as little some of those in College-green. I am even less pleased with the temper that predominated in the latter, as better things might have been expected in the regular family mansion of public discretion, than in a new and hasty assembly of unexperienced men, congregated under circumstances of no small irritation. After people have taken your tests, prescribed by yourselves as proofs of their allegiance, to be marked as enemies, traitors, or at best as suspected and dangerous persons, and that they are not to be believed on their oaths, we are not to be surprised if they fall into a passion, and talk as men in a passion do, intemperately and idly.

The worst of the matter is this: you are partly leading, partly driving, into Jacobinism that description of your people, whose religious principles, church polity, and habitual discipline,―might make them an invincible dyke against that inundation. This you have a thousand mattocks and pick-axes lifted up to demolish. You make a sad story of the Pope!-O seri studiorum!—It will not be difficult to get many called Catholics to laugh at this fundamental part of their religion. Never doubt it. You have succeeded in part; and you may succeed completely. But in the present state of men's minds and affairs, do not flatter yourselves that they will piously look to the head of our church in the place of that Pope whom you make them forswear; and out of all reverence to whom you bully, and rail, and buffoon them. Perhaps you may succeed in the same manner with all the other tenets of doctrine and usages of discipline amongst the Catholics-but what security have you that, in the temper and on the principles on which they have made this change, they will stop at the exact sticking places

VOL. VI.

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