well; for in truth he had not dealt clearly with me; he had four devils in his head, and he perceived two of them were gone with that which I had given him, but the other two troubled him still. 'Well,' said I, I am glad two of them are gone; I make no doubt to get away the other two likewise.' So I gave him another thing to hang about his neck. Three days after, he came to me to my chamber, and profest he was now as well as ever he was in his life, and did extremely thank me for the great care I had taken of him. I, fearing lest he might relapse into the like distemper, told him that there was none but myself and one physician more in the whole town that could cure the devils in the head, and that was Dr Harvey, whom I had prepared, and wished him, if ever he found himself ill in my absence, to go to him, for he could cure his disease as well as myself. The gentleman lived many years, and was never troubled after.

To preach long, loud, and damnation, is the way to be cried up. We love a man that damns us, and we run after him again to save us. If a man had a sore leg, and he should go to an honest judicious chirurgeon, and he should only bid him keep it warm, and anoint with such an oil (an oil well known) that would do the cure, haply he would not much regard him, because he knows the medicine beforehand an ordinary medicine. But if he should go to a surgeon that should tell him, Your leg will gangrene within three days, and it must be cut off, and you will die, unless you do something that I could tell you, what listening there would be to this man! Oh, for the Lord's sake, tell me what this is; I will give you any content for your pains.

What a gentleman is, 'tis hard with us to define. In other countries he is known by his privileges; in Westminster-Hall he is one that is reputed one; in the court of honour, he that hath arms. The king cannot make a gentleman of blood.

What have you said? Nor God Almighty: but he can make a gentleman by creation. If you ask which is the better of these two, civilly, the gentleman of blood, morally, the gentleman by creation may be the better; for the other may be a debauched man, this a person of worth.

Gentlemen have ever been more temperate in their religion than the common people, as having more reason, the others running in a hurry.

The court of England is much altered. At a solemn dancing, first you had the grave measures, then the corrantoes and the galliards, and this is kept up with ceremony; at length to Trenchmore and the cushiondance, and then all the company dance, lord and groom, lady and kitchen-maid, no distinction. So in our court, in Queen Elizabeth's time, gravity and state were kept up. In King James's time things were pretty well.

But in King Charles's time, there has been nothing but Trenchmore and the cushion-dance, omnium gatherum, tolly-polly, hoite come toite.

'Tis a fine thing for children to learn to make verse; but when they come to be men, they must speak like other men, or else they will be laughed at. 'Tis ridiculous to speak, or write, or preach in verse. As 'tis good to learn to dance, a man may learn his leg, learn to go handsomely; but 'tis ridiculous for him to dance when he should go.

'Tis ridiculous for a lord to print verses; 'tis well enough to make them to please himself, but to make them public is foolish. If a man in a private chamber twirls his band-strings, or plays with a rush to please himself, 'tis well enough; but if he should go into Fleet-street, and sit upon a stall, and twirl a bandstring, or play with a rush, then all the boys in the street would laugh at him.

Prayer should be short, without giving God Almighty reasons why he should grant this or that; he knows best what is good for us. If your boy should ask you a suit of clothes, and give you reasons, ' otherwise he cannot wait upon you, he cannot go abroad but he will discredit you,' would you endure it? You know it better than he; let him ask a suit of clothes.

If a servant that has been fed with good beef, goes into that part of England where salmon is plenty, at first he is pleased with his salmon, and despises his beef, but after he has been there a while, he grows weary of his salmon, and wishes for his good beef again. We have a while been much taken with this praying by the spirit; but in time we may grow weary of it, and wish for our Common-Prayer.

There's all the reason in the world divines should not be suffered to go a hair beyond their bounds, for fear of breeding confusion, since there now be so many religions on foot. The matter was not so narrowly to be looked after when there was but one religion in Christendom : the rest would cry him down for an heretic, and there was nobody to side with him.

The following passage on the value of doubt and free inquiry is from the preface to Selden's History of Tythes :

For the old sceptiques that never would profess that they had found a truth, yet shewed the best way to

search for any, when they doubted as well of what those of the dogmatical sects too credulously received for infallible principles, as they did of the newest conclusions they were indeed questionless too nice, and deceived themselves with the nimbleness of their own sophisms, that permitted no kind of established truth. But plainly he that avoids their disputing levity, yet, being able, takes to himself their liberty of inquiry, is in the only way that in all kinds of studies leads and lies open even to the sanctuary of truth; while others, that are servile to common opinion and vulgar suppositions, can rarely hope to be admitted nearer than into the base court of her temple, which too speciously often counterfeits her inmost sanctuary.

The chief of Selden's twenty-seven separate publications, besides those already mentioned, are Marmora Arundeliana (1624), on the marbles brought that year from Smyrna and Greece by the Earl of Arundel's agents; and three books on Hebrew law and usages, in which, as in all his biblical studies, he is inevitably more learned than critical. His works were collected by Dr Wilkins, and published in 1726 in three folio volumes. See the biography prefixed to that edition, Aiken's Lives of Selden and Usher (1811), G. W. Johnson's Memoir (1835), and S. H. Reynolds's introduction to the Clarendon Press edition of the Table-talk (1892).

John Hales (1584-1656), 'the Ever-memorable,' is usually classed with Chillingworth as a prominent defender of rational and tolerant principles in religion. Born at Bath, he was bred at Corpus Christi, Oxford, and became a fellow of Merton. He was highly distinguished for his knowledge of Greek, on which he was appointed lecturer at Oxford in 1612. Four years afterwards he went to Holland as chaplain to Sir Dudley Carleton, ambassador at The Hague; and on this occasion he attended for four months the meetings of the famous Synod of Dort (November 1618-May 1619), the proceedings of which are recorded in his published letters to Sir Dudley. Till this time he held the Calvinistic opinions in which he had been educated; but the arguments of the Arminian champion Episcopius, or his view of contentious orthodoxy and the conviction that neither side possessed a monopoly of truth, made him, in his own phrase as reported by the editor of the Golden Remains, bid John Calvin good-night.' His letters from Dort are characterised by Lord Clarendon as 'the best memorial of the ignorance, and passion, and animosity, and injustice of that convention.' Although the eminent learning and abilities of Hales would certainly have led to high preferment in the Church, he chose rather to live in studious retirement, and accordingly withdrew to Eton College, where he had a private fellowship under his friend Sir Henry Savile as provost. Yet he was no recluse: he delighted in the conversation of Chillingworth and Falkland, of Ben Jonson and Suckling. His famous Tract concerning Schism and Schismatics (c. 1636), in which the bad effects of episcopal ambition are freely discussed, greatly displeased Laud; but Hales defended himself so well in a letter and at a conference that Laud in 1639 gave him a prebendal stall at Windsor. In 1649 he was deprived of his offices for refusing to take the 'engagement,' or oath of fidelity to the

Commonwealth of England, as then established without a king or House of Lords. His ejection reduced him to such straits that at length he was under the necessity of selling for £700 the greater part of his library, on which he had expended £2500, though from a spirit of independence he refused to accept the bounty of his friends. The learning, abilities, and amiable disposition of John Hales are spoken of in the highest terms not only by Clarendon, but by He Pearson, Heylin, Marvell, and Stillingfleet.

is styled by Anthony Wood ‘a walking library ;' and Pearson considered him to be a man of as great a sharpness, quickness, and subtilty of wit as ever this or perhaps any nation bred. His industry did strive, if it were possible, to equal the largeness of his capacity, whereby he became as great a master of polite, various, and universal learning as ever yet conversed with books.' His extensive knowledge he cheerfully communicated to others; and his liberal, obliging, and charitable disposition made him a determined foe to intolerance in religious matters. Clarendon says that 'nothing troubled him more than the brawls which were grown from religion; and he therefore exceedingly detested the tyranny of the Church of Rome, more for their imposing uncharitably upon the consciences of other men, than for the errors in their own opinions.' Aubrey, who saw him at Eton after his sequestration, describes him as a pretty little man, sanguine, of a cheerful countenance, very gentle and courteous.'

The following is a fragment of a sermon, preached at The Hague in 1619, on the folly and wickedness of duelling, a subject on which Hales was in advance of some eminent Continental Christians of the present day :

Murther, though all be abominable, yet there are degrees in it, some is more hainous then other. Gross, malicious, premeditated, and wilful murther are by our laws, so far as humane wisdom can provide, sufficiently prevented but murders done in haste, or besides the intent of him that did it, or in point of honour, and reputation, these find a little too much favour; or laws in this respect are somewhat defective, both in preventing that it be not done, and punishing it when it is done; men have thought themselves wiser then God, presuming to moderate the unnecessary severity (as they seem to think) of his laws. And hence it comes to pass, that in military companies, and in all great cities and places of mart and concourse, few moneths, yea, few weeks pass without some instance and example of bloudshed, either by sudden quarrel, or by challenge to duel and single combat. How many examples in a short space have we seen of young men, men of hot and fiery disposition, mutually provoking and disgracing each other, and then taking themselves bound in high terms of valour and honour, to end their quarrels by their swords? That therefore we may the better discover the unlawfulness of challenge and private combat, let us a little enquire and examine in what cases bloud may lawfully, and without offence, be shed; that so we may see where, amongst these, single combat may find its place. . . .

To come then unto the question of duels; both by the light of reason and by the practise of men it doth appear that there is no case wherein subjects may privately seek each others lives: there are extant the laws of the Jews, framed by God himself; the laws of the Roman Empire, made partly by the Ethnick, partly by Christian princes; a great part of the laws of Sparta and Athens (two warlike common-wealths, especially the former) lie dispersed in our books: yet amongst them all is there not a law or custom that permits this liberty to subjects: the reason of it, I conceive, is very plain; the principal thing, next under God, by which a common-wealth doth stand, is the authority of the magistrate, whose proper end is to compose and end quarrels between man and man, upon what occasion soever they grow; for were men peaceable, were men not injurious one to another, there were no use of government wherefore to permit men in private to try their own rights, or to avenge their own wrongs, and so to decline the sentence of the magistrate, is quite to cut off all use of authority. Indeed it hath been sometimes seen that the event of a battel, by consent of both armies, hath been put upon single combat, to avoid further effusion of bloud; but combats betwixt subjects for private causes, till these latter ages of the world, was never allowed: yet, must confess, the practise of it is very ancient for Cain, the second man in the world, was the first duelist, the first that ever challenged the feild. In the fourth of Genesis the text saith, that Cain spake unto his brother, and when they were in the feild, he arose and slew him. The Septuagint, to make the sense more plain, do add another clause, and tell us what it was he said unto his brother, διέλθωμεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον, Let us go out into the feild, and when they were in the feild, he arose and slew him: Let us go out into the feild, it is the very form and proper language of a challenge. Many times indeed our gallants can formalize in other words, but evermore the substance and usually the very words are no other but these of Cain, Let us go out into the feild. Abel I perswade my self understood them not as a challenge; for had he so done, he would have made so much use of his discretion as to have refused it; yet can we not chuse but acknowledge a secret judgment of God in this, that the words of Cain should still be so religiously kept till this day, as a proem and introduction to that action, which doubtless is no other then what Cain's was. When therefore our gallants are so ready to challange the feild, and to go into the feild, let them but remember whose words they use, and so accordingly think of their action. Again, notwithstanding duels are of so antient and worshipful a parentage, yet could they never gain so good acceptance as to be permitted, much less to be counted lawful in the civil part of the world, till barbarism had over-ran it. About five or six hundred years after Christ, at the fall of the Roman Empire, aboundance of rude and barbarous people brake in and possest the civiller part of the world; who abolishing the ancient laws of the empire, set up many strange customs in their rooms. Amongst the rest, for the determining of quarrels that might arise in case of doubtful title, or of false accusation, or the like, they put themselves upon many unusual forms of trial; as, to handle red hot iron, to walk bare-foot on burning coals, to put their hands and feet in scalding water, and many other of the like nature, which are reckoned up by Hottoman, a French lawyer: for they presumed so far on Gods providence, that if the party accused were innocent,

he might do any of these without any smart or harm. In the same cases, when by reason of unsufficient and doubtful evidence, the judges could not proceed to sentence, as sometimes it falls out, and the parties contending would admit of no reasonable composition, their manner was to permit them to try it out by their swords; that so the conquerour might be thought to be in the right. They permitted, I say, thus to do; for at the best 'twas but a permission to prevent farther mischeif; for to this end sometimes some known abuses are tolerated so God permitted the Jews upon sleight occasions to put their wives away, because he saw that otherwise their exorbitant lusts would not be bounded within these limits which he in Paradise in the beginning had set.

There is an air of modernity in his essay on 'The Method of Reading Profane History,' from which this is a paragraph :

One thing more, ere I leave this head, I will admonish you of. It is a common scholical errour to fill our papers and note-books with observations of great and famous events, either of great battels, or civil broiles and contentions. The expedition of Hercules his off-spring for the recovery of Peloponnese, the building of Rome, the attempt of Regulus against the great serpent of Bagradas, the Punick Wars, the ruine of Carthage, the death of Cæsar, and the like. Mean while things of ordinary course and common life gain no room in our paper-books. Petronius wittily and sharply complain'd against scholemasters in his times; in which he wisely reproves the errour of those, who training up of youth in the practise of rhetorick never suffered them to practise their wits in things of use, but in certain strange supralunary arguments, which never fell within the sphere of common action. This complaint is good against divers of those who travel in history. For one of the greatest reasons that so many of them thrive so little, and grow no wiser men, is because they sleight things of ordinary course, and observe onely great matters of more note, but less use. How doth it benefit a man who lives in peace to observe the art how Cæsar managed wars? or by what cunning he aspired to the monarchy? or what advantages they were that gave Scipio the day against Hannibal? These things may be known, not because the knowledge of these things is useful, but because it is an imputation to be ignorant of them; their greatest use for you being onely to furnish out your discourse. Let me therefore advise you in reading to have a care of those discourses which express domestick and private actions, especially if they be such wherein your self purposes to venture your fortunes. For if you rectifie a little your conceit, you shall see that it is the same wisdome which manages private business and State affairs, and that the one is acted with as much folly and ease as the other. If you will not believe men, then look into our colledges, where you shall see that I say not the plotting for an Headship (for that is now become a court-business), but the contriving of a bursership of twenty nobles a year is many times done with as great a portion of suing, siding, supplanting, and of other courtlike arts, as the gaining of the secretary's place; onely the difference of the persons it is which makes the one comical, the other tragical. To think that there is more wisdom placed in these specious matters then in private carriages, is the same errour as if you should think there

were more art required to paint a king then a countrey gentleman: whereas our Dutch pieces may serve to confute you, wherein you shall see a cup of Rhenish-wine, a dish of radishes, a brass pan, an Holland cheese, the fisher-men selling fish at Scheveling, or the kitchen-maid spitting a loin of mutton, done with as great delicacy and choiceness of art as can be expressed in the delineation of the greatest monarch in the world.

This is his account of a breeze (threatening to issue in a duel) in the Synod of Dort :

Upon Tuesday the of this present in the evening, for the debating of certain particular points of controversy belonging to the first Article, the Synod came together in private. It hath been lately questioned how Christ is said to be fundamentum electionis. The doctrine generally received by the Contra-Remonstrant in this point is that God first of all resolved upon the salvation of some singular persons, and in the second place upon Christ as a mean to bring this decree to pass. So that with them God the Father alone is the author of our election, and Christ only the executioner. Others on the contrary teach that Christ is so to be held fundamentum electionis as that he is not only the executioner of election, but the author and the procurer of it for proof of which they bring the words of the Apostle to the Ephesians the first chapter, elegit nos in Christo ante jacta mundi fundamenta. The exposition of this text was the especial thing discust at this meeting: and some taught that Christ was fundamentum electionis because he was primus electorum, or because he is fundamentum electorum, but not electionis, or because he is fundamentum beneficiorum, which descend upon us; others brookt none of those restraints. D. Gomarus stands for the former sentence, and in defence of it had said many things on Friday. This night Martinius of Breme being required to speak his mind, signified to the Synod, that he made some scruple concerning the doctrine passant about the manner of Christs being fundamentum electionis, and that he thought Christ not only the effector of our election, but also the author and procurer thereof. Gomarus, who owes the Synod a shrewd turn, and then I fear me began to come out of debt, presently, as soon as Martinius had spoken, starts up and tells the Synod, ego hanc rem in me recipio, and therewithall casts his glove, and challenges Martinius with this proverb, Ecce Rhodum, ecce saltum, and requires the Synod to grant them a duel, adding that he knew Martinius could say nothing in refutation of that doctrine. Martinius, who goes in æquipace with Gomarus in learning and a little before him for his discretion, easily digested this affront, and after some few words of course, by the wisdom of the præses matters seemed to be a little pacified, and so according to the custom the Synod with prayer concluded. Zeal and devotion had not so well allayed Gomarus his choler, but immediately after prayers he renewed his challenge and required combat with Martinius again; but they parted for that night without blowes. Martinius, as it seemes, is somewhat favourable to some tenents of the Remonstrants concerning reprobation, the latitude of Christs merit, the salvation of infants, &c., and to bring him to some conformity was there a private meeting of the forreign divines upon Wednesday morning in my Lord Bishops lodging, in which thus much was obtained, that though he would not leave his conclusions, yet he promised moderation and

temper in such manner, that there should be no dissention in the Synod by reason of any opinion of his.

His principal work, the Golden Remains, mainly sermons and miscellanies, was edited with a Life by Bishop Pearson (1657) reprinted and extended in 1673 and 1688. In 1765 an edition of his works was published by Lord Hailes, who modernised the language, greatly to the disgust of Dr Johnson. 'An auth s language, sir,' said he, 'is a characteristical part of his composition, and is also characteristical of the age in which he writes. Besides, sir, when the language is changed, we are not sure that the sense is the same. No, sir; I am sorry Lord Hailes has deve this.' See Tulloch's Rational Theology in England, vol. i (1872).

Robert Sanderson (1587-1663), the son of the squire of Gilthwaite Hall, was born more probably at Sheffield than at Rotherham, was educated anyhow at Rotherham and at Lincoln College, Oxford (where he became fellow and reader in logic), and held the living of BoothbyPagnell for forty years in spite of sequestration and a short imprisonment during the Civil War. In 1642 he was made Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, was ejected by the Parliamentary visitors of 1648, but was reinstated after the Restoration, and in October 1660 became Bishop of Lincoln. His Logica Arus Compendium (1615) was often reprinted, and was praised by Sir William Hamilton as the excellent work of an accomplished logician.' The Sermons of Sanderson are also admired for vigour and clearness of thought; he is the author of the second preface to the Prayer-Book (‘It hath been the wisdom'); and in virtue of his Nine Cases of Conscience Resolved (1678) Sanderson has been ranked as the greatest of English casuists. The cases selected are questions of the Sabbath, the engagement (the royalist compact of 1647 between the king and the Scots against the Parliament), the liturgy, a rash vow, marrying with a recusant (i.e. a Roman Catholic), a bond taken in the king's name, unlawful love, a military life (under what conditions it is lawful, a matrimonial contract, and of usury. On some of these points most reasonable Christians would agree, as on some of them High Churchmen and Puritans would inevitably differ widely. He denies that marrying a daughter to a 'professed Papist' is in itself unlawful, but points out the many 'evil consequents' which render it inexpedient to conclude such a marriage; affirming that in one respect the danger is greater to marry with a Papist than with one of a worse religion, for that the main principle of his religion as a Papist is more destructive of the comfort of a conjugal society than are the principles of most heretics, 'yea, than those of Pagans or atheists' (viz. the doctrine that there is no salvability but in the Church). How far the Churchman of that date might differ from the Puritan may be seen from his answer to two of the questions raised about the Sabbath :

I. Concerning the name Sabbatum or Sabbath I thus conceive: 1. That in Scripture, antiquity, and all ecclesiastical writers, it is constantly appropriated to the

day of the Jews' Sabbath or Saturday, and not at all till of late years used to signify our Lord's Day or Sunday. 2. That to call Sunday by the name of the Sabbath-day, rebus sic stantibus, may for sundry respects be allowed in the Christian Church without any great inconveniency; and that therefore men otherwise sober and moderate ought not to be censured with too much severity, neither charged with Judaism, if sometimes they so speak. 3. That yet for sundry other respects it were perhaps much more expedient if the word Sabbath in that notion were either not at all or else more sparingly used.

II. Concerning the name Dominica, or the Lord's Day: 1. That it was taken up in memory of our Lord Christ's resurrection, and the great work of our redemption accomplished therein. 2. That it hath warrant from the Scripture, Apoc. i. 10, and hath been of long continued use in the Christian Church, to signify the first day of the week or Sunday.

III. Concerning the name Dies Solis or Sunday: 1. That it is taken from the courses of the planets, as the names of the other days are: the reason whereof is to be learned from astronomers. 2. That it hath been used generally, and of long time, in most parts of the world. 3. That it is not justly chargeable with heathenism; and that it proceedeth from much weakness at the least, if not rather superstition, that some men condemn the use of it as profane, heathenish, or unlawful.

IV. Of the fitness of the aforesaid three names compared one with another. First, that according to the several matter or occasions of speech each of the three may be fitter in some respect, and more proper to be used than either of the other two. As, viz. I. The name Sabbath, when we speak of a time of rest indeterminate and in general, without reference to any particular day; and the other two, when we speak determinately of that day which is observed in the Christian Church. Of which two again, 2. That of the Lord's Day is fitter in the theological and ecclesiastical; and, 3. That of Sunday in the civil, popular, and common use. Secondly. Yet so as that none of the three be condemned as utterly unlawful, whatsoever the matter or occasion be; but that every man be left to his Christian liberty herein, so long as superior authority doth not restrain it.

Provided ever,

that what he doth herein, he do it without vanity or affectation in himself, or without uncharitable judging or despising his brother that doth otherwise than himself doth. . .

To the Third Question. In this matter, touching recreations to be used on the Lord's Day, much need not be said, there being little difficulty in it, and his Majesty's last declaration in that behalf having put it past disputation. I say then,

1. For the thing. That no man can reasonably condemn the moderate use of lawful recreations upon the Lord's Day, as simply and de toto genere unlawful.

2. For the kind. Albeit there can be no certain rules given herein, as in most indifferent things it cometh to pass by reason of the infinite variety of circumstances to fit with all particular cases, but that still much must be left to private discretion: yet for some directions in this matter, respect would be had in the choice of our recreations, I. To the public laws of the state. Such

games or sports as are by law prohibited, though in themselves otherwise lawful, being unlawful to them that are under the obedience of the law. 2. To the condition of the person. Walking and discoursing with men of liberal education is a pleasant recreation it is no way delightsome to the ruder sort of people, who scarce account any thing a sport which is not loud and boisterous. 3. To the effects of the recreations themselves. Those being the meetest to be used which give the best refreshing to the body, and leave the least impression in the mind. In which respect, shooting, leaping, pitching the bar, stool-ball, &c. are rather to be chosen than dicing, carding, &c.

3. For the use. That men would be exhorted to use their recreation and pastimes upon the Lord's Day in godly and commendable sort. For which purpose, amongst others, these cautions following would be remembered: 1. That they be used with great moderation, as at all other times, so especially and much more upon the Lord's Day. 2. That they be used at seasonable times, not in time of divine service, nor at such hours as are appointed by the master of the house whereunto they belong for private devotions within his own house. His Majesty's declaration limiteth men's liberty this way till after evensong be ended. 3. That they be so used as that they may rather

make men the fitter for God's service the rest of the day, and for the works of their vocations the rest of the week, than any way hinder or disable them thereunto, by over-wearying the body or immoderately affecting the mind. 4. That they use them not doubtingly; for whatsoever is not of faith is sin. He therefore that is not satisfied in his own judgment that he may lawfully and without sin use bodily recreations on the Lord's Day, ought by all means to forbear the use thereof, lest he should sin against his own conscience. 5. That they be severer towards themselves than towards other men in the use of their Christian liberty herein, not making their own opinion or practice a rule to their brethren. In this as in all indifferent things a wise and charitable man will in godly wisdom deny himself many times the use of that liberty, which in a godly charity he dare not deny to his brother.

Thomas Hobbes.

Thomas Hobbes, called from his birthplace 'the Malmesbury philosopher,' was born 5th April 1588. Of him it may safely be said that no thinker or writer of the seventeenth century attracted more attention in his own time, and that few exercised a wider or more marked influence on speculation in the following age. His mother's alarm at the approach of the Spanish Armada is said to have hastened his birth and to have been the cause of a constitutional timidity which beset him through life. After studying for five years at Magdalen Hall in Oxford, where his mind was not stirred by the usual courses of Aristotelian logic and physics, he travelled in 1610 through France, Italy, and Germany as tutor to Lord William Cavendish, afterwards second Earl of Devonshire. On returning to England he continued to reside with him as his secretary; and he became intimate with Lord Bacon, Lord Herbert of