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subjects, but that it was impossible to rule her English servants in Ireland. The queen yielded to Perrot's wish and the anxious solicitations of his enemies. He was commanded to deliver the sword of state to Sir William Fitz-William ; and having done so, he declared that he left the kingdom in peace; and that, now a private man, he would engage to procure, within twenty days, the submission of any chief in Ireland, without employing force of any kind. Such was the confidence which this good man had in the power of his own character for truth and faithfulness. His departure from Ireland exhibited a scene which has more than once occurred in that country. He was accompanied to the shore by the whole population of Dublin, and by the old Irish of every rank and class, princes and people, all in tears. The grateful recollection of the past, and the fears of the future, pressed heavily upon every heart. Every tongue was loud to acknowledge him as a father and benefactor, and to lament the public loss. Sir John Perrot's administration was a proof that, even in the worst state of society in Ireland, and nothing could be worse than the state of society in this reign, ordinary justice and common humanity are all that are needed to govern the Irish people. The short experiment which Elizabeth made of this principle of government, confirms the truth of Sir John Davis's testimony: that the Irish love justice so much, that they will be content with it, even when its decisions press most heavily against themselves.'

Religious differences, though they might exasperate existing animosities, were scarcely used, even as a pretext for the wars of this reign. These were waged professedly for the purpose

of putting down or reducing to obedience the great turbulent chiefs of the north and the south-in reality, for the purpose of procuring the confiscation of their estates—and were, as Mr O'Driscol has truly stated, “substantially mere struggles of the old proprietors to preserve their importance against the tide of new adventurers, which the rapid political changes in Great Bri• tain, and the growing wealth and population of the larger • island had thrown upon the lesser.'

• The Reformation,' he afterwards observes, had made no progress in Ireland during the reign of Elizabeth. Those who were compelled to war with the power, would not be disposed to favour the religion of the queen. The authority of the queen did not extend beyond her camp, and the religion of the Reformation had even narrower limits. Two-thirds of the British army who won the victory at Kinsale, were Irish Catholics ; and the Earl of Clanricard, to whom it was chiefly due, was remarkable for his steady attachment to the religion of Rome. The wars of this reign served, on the contrary, to raise up a powerful and permanent obstruction to the progress of the Reformation. The Irish knew it only as the religion of those strangers who contended with them in mortal strife for their inheritances. They knew it only as the profession of those English ecclesiastics who were sent from time to time from the other island, and are de

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scribed by all the British writers of that day as a class of men remarkable for their profligate lives, their ignorance, and entire neglect of the few duties they had to perform. The religion of Rome, on the contrary, was not only their own, but it was the religion of their allies of Spain, Italy, and France. Their political struggles drew closer the ties that bound them to their ancient faith.'

The reign of James was a softened copy of that of Elizabeth, in so far as regards wars and forfeitures. It was marked, however, by a new and more pacific measure, which in the end was productive of great benefits. The law of England was now, in some measure, enforced all over the island-sheriffs at least were appointed, and circuits established in its different provinces, and the supreme court at length solemnly decided that the old Irish tenures by tanistry were at an end, and that their titles must now be made out according to the English method. A still more important change, though naturally resulting from the other, was, that instead of holding his lands in a great degree at the pleasure of his chief, or at least of being liable to indefinite exactions on their transmission to an heir, a rent was now fixed in lieu of all feudal services, and subject to this rent, the title of inheritance was absolute. This prince also created forty new boroughs, and an order of Baronets. His most oppressive measure, was the institution of a commission for inquiring into defective titles—his most paltry, the attempt to set aside the new grants made by himself in Connaught, in consequence of an accidental omission of an enrolment in Chancery, for which, however, the grantees had actually paid the full fees.

The reign of Charles, though opening auspiciously, brought the disorders and sufferings of Ireland to their height. The Catholic Lords, with the concurrence of many of the leading Protestants, drew up a sort of Bill of Rights, which they presented to the King, with an offer of a large subsidy, on condition of their petition being granted. The King accepted the subsidy, and assented to the petition. But Strafford prevailed with him ultimately to refuse the charter in which those Graces, as they were termed, were embodied, and proceeded to exact money by every sort of oppression. The following passages, which introduce the history of the great rebellion in 1641, are written, we think, with singular clearness, and true historical impartiality.

Strafford's administration, though an exceedingly guilty one, was not wholly without merit. He attempted to reform the Established Church, then known in Ireland only as an engine of oppression, and to make it, what it ought to be, an instrument of popular instruction. He attempted to improve and new-model the college of Dublin ; he was the first to encourage and promote the linen manufacture, and

expended large sums of money of his private property in the undertaking. It is true, that he also did all in his power to injure and destroy the woollen trade of Ireland, then beginning to flourish. But it was the genius of the man to mingle good and evil; and he had become apprehensive that the woollen manufacture of Ireland might arrive at a degree of prosperity injurious to the trade of England; and it was the notion of the day, to consider that the pre-eminence of the latter country was to be promoted by the depression of all others. The discontent occasioned by the insincerity of the king, on the subject of the Graces; the terror of Strafford's violent proceedings; the menaces of the puritans (a party then rising into power) against the Catholics ; the decline of the royal authority, and the approaching commotions in England, -all these circumstances furnished ground of hope to the dispossessed Irish of the late reign, that the time was arrived for making a struggle, with fair prospect of success, for the recovery of their ancient inheritances. The higher classes of the expelled Irish had been received with distinction in France, Spain, Germany, and Italy. Many of them held high rank in the armies of the three former powers. Those were now in close and frequent communication with each other, and with the continental courts. Ireland was full of their vassals and connexions, with whom they held constant intercourse, and who endured with impatience the neighbourhood of the strangers who held possession of their lands.

• The expelled tenantry of these counties had continued pent up in the mountains, till the disorders of the government in England afforded them the opportunity of combining with their exiled chiefs, in one great effort, for their mutual restoration. The time was now arrived, and in the winter of 1641, in the month of October, they descended in vast torrents from the mountains, swept the new plantations from the face of the land, and obtained full possession of their ancient settlements. This great change was accomplished without bloodshed. The plan of the insurrection prescribed, that the English settlers should be dispossessed peaceably, and that the Scotch should not be at all disturbed or molested. The latter were, many of them, connected in the country, and some of their settlements had been made with the sanction of the Irish chiefs. But this wise and humane principle of the insurrection did not endure long, nor perhaps was it in the nature of the case that it should do so. The first military movements were directed by Sir Phelim O'Neil; and though successful from the overwhelming nature of the force collected, and the total absence of any effectual opposition, yet when at length a vigorous resistance was made, and the incapacity of the leader began to display itself, the fury of the collision produced its natural effect upon the tumultuous mass now in movement, on both sides. Both parties shed blood freely. The rage of the Irish exhausted itself upon the intruders upon their lands. The British and Scotch retaliated in the massacre at Island Magee, and wherever else an opportunity presented itself. Nor ought we to be surprised that the slaughter committed by the Irish in the first burst of the rebellion was grossly exaggerated. It is in the

nature of fear to exaggerate ; but in this case there was even a greater exaggerator than fear. The cause of the quarrel was property; and it was the interest of the party whose claim was opposed to that of the old Irish proprietors, to represent them as monsters, who could not be satiated with blood. Accordingly, the Irish were represented as having put to death thirty thousand Protestant inhabitants of the north. It was, however, admitted, that a great proportion of the northern Protestants were saved and protected, for this fact could not be denied. And it is also ascertained, that the entire Protestant population of the north of Ireland did not then amount to twenty thousand. Cromwell's commission of inquiry estimated the number killed at six thousand; and this also was probably an exaggeration, as Cromwell's commissioners were neither inclined to underrate, nor very strict observers of the truth.'

The following view of the state of parties at this momentous crisis, appears also to be conceived with great vigour, and unfolded with much perspicuity.

• There were now four great parties in Ireland, all actuated by different motives; that of the ancient, or pure Irish; that of the AngloIrish, both of which formed the great body of the CONFEDERATES ; that of the king's party, as it was called; and that of the puritans, or parliament party.

. These four apparently composed but two great divisions; the king's party and the parliament party affecting to acknowledge but one interest; and the Irish and Anglo-Irish parties seeming to be bound by one principle, and to act together for one object. But they were all really distinct. The separation between the two latter, however, was much broader and more decisive than between the former.

• The arming of the northern Irish, which had been concerted by the Irish officers on the continent, had for its object the recovery of their ancient estates, and some few went the length of a separation of Ireland from the crown of Great Britain. The views of the AngloIrish went no further than a confirmation of the Charter of Graces, and protection against the designs of the puritans. They were opposed to any restoration of property to the ancient Irish, and still more hostile to every scheme of Irish independence. They feared that if Ireland were severed from the British crown, it would give such a preponderance to the old Irish interest, as would endanger their own possessions, or at least affect the rank and station they then held in the country. Instead of being the first in power and importance, they could only, after such an event, look to a second place in the nation. Nothing, therefore, was more sound and sincere than the loyalty of the Anglo-Irish lords. They were united with the ancient Irish in the insurrection, by force of circumstances, not by choice. A community of religion was the chief bond, as it was the pretext of a common persecution; next the necessity of self-defence ; and in some instances, the force of kindred and relationship.

• The third party was a small one ; but it was one of great importance, as well from the persons composing it, as from the part they had to perform. The party of the confederates, in its two great branches of Irish and Anglo-Írish, were all Catholics. The king's party were Catholic and Protestant: it consisted of Catholic lords, whose horror of Irishry was too strong for any fears on the score of religion to compel them into even a temporary union with that interest, or whose loyalty could not be shaken by any delinquencies of the crown, or made to yield to the safety of the nation.'

We give these passages as specimens merely of the spirit and temper in which the work is composed. For we cannot now pretend to give even the slightest abstract of the substance of the story. The whole details, however, of this sanguinary contest, of the Kilkenny convention in 1642, and of the King's secret treaty with Glamorgan in 1645, and his subsequent most disreputable disavowal of it, are here given with a degree of fulness, clearness, and moderation, which, we have no difficulty in saying, are not to be paralleled in any other account of the same transaction. Soon after the establishment of the Commonwealth, the Protector came himself to Ireland, to extinguish, if possible, the power of the Catholic confederation ; but he accomplished nothing by his campaign at all answerable to his reputation. He besieged a few towns, and met with a brave and obstinate resistance, which he resented by the greatest cruelties ;—and Mr O’Driscol holds it to be clear, that his ultimate success was entirely owing to the internal dissensions of the confederates, and those jealousies and animosities among their leaders, that deprived them at last of all means of co-operation, and condemned them to see their great force moulder away and dissolve, before the face of a far inferior enemy

• The old Irish of the confederacy, hopeless now of achieving any thing for their country, and weary of the eternal and absurd negotiations of the convention lords, entered into terms with the Cromwel. lians. Many laid down their arms and submitted ; but far the greater number made conditions to be sent at the cost of the parliament to France or Spain, and were furnished with stores and shipping for that purpose. The military were gladly received into the service of those two powers; and in the course of three years about forty thousand men, chiefly of the Irish army, left their country in this manner, and were conveyed abroad at the cost of the new government of England. The whole number, however, of Irish who quitted their country in the course of the Cromwellian wars, is estimated at about two hundred thousand. A dispersion which formed a remarkable event of the time; and which is still to be traced in France, Spain, and various other parts of Europe.

• The Ormond party was extinct. The party of the convention was in a state of utter decay. Their own army, which was of necessity composed of mere Irish, followed the example of the northern battalions, and disbanded, or retired by regiments into foreign service.

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