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the subject was brought under considera | the price as low as possible. No statestion, was in the year 1822. At that time the parliament did not adhere to the system of 1815: some alteration was made; and it appeared from the report of the committee of the House of Commons, that it was in the contemplation of the committee to recommend a further alteration in the whole system of the corn laws. Thus the question stood at the beginning of this session, and now stands, subject, however, to a small qualification which he should hereafter mention. He had no difficulty in stating to their lordships, what he had previously stated in private, that, in his opinion, some alteration ought to be made in the general system of the corn laws; he thought, however, that it would not be expedient to make that alteration during the present session. He said this present session, because it was probable that, in the next session, it would be found necessary to take up this great and important question in all its bearings. There were some points to which he would briefly allude, in order to show their lordships, that enlarged inquiry and considerable discussion would be necessary, before they could hope to settle the question on any sure and proper grounds. Their lordships all knew the difference of opinion which prevailed on this subject; and no one knew it better than his noble friend who had put the question. If the country were allowed to remain in any uncertainty, their lordships' table would be crowded with petitions. Petitions would come from one large and respectable body, praying for an alteration, which would have the effect of lowering prices; and there would also be petitions from another class equally respectable, against any measure which might have a tendency to produce any such effect. Their lordships must not conceal from themselves the truth, though it was clear to every enlarged view, that no statesman could doubt, that all the interests of a state were closely combined, and that whatever promoted the welfare and prosperity of one, also ultimately promoted the welfare and prosperity of others. Still, those who would come to their lordships with petitions on this subject, did not take this comprehensive view. On this question there was one branch of the great and leading interests of the country, which always endeavoured to prevent the price from falling too low; while there was another branch which always wished to keep

man could overlook this difference of opinion, or perhaps condemn the persons who entertained these different opinions; but, it was his duty to attend equally to all the great interests of the country. On this important question he had had many communications from more than one quarter: he had heard numerous doctrines about free trade; but, in the course of all the discussions of this question which had fallen under his notice, its true difficulties were never fairly considered. He hoped and believed that their lordships would give him credit for saying, that no man could be more desirous than he was, to see the trade of the country placed on the most liberal footing; but, when commercial principles were applied to corn, obstacles arose which were not easily overcome. In all other kinds of manufacture, if a fixed protecting duty were imposed, it would be easy to abide by it. Whatever might be the state of the home supply ata particular time, things would at length come round, and the manufacture would find its level. But, it was not so with respect to corn; because, at however equitable a rate the duty might be fixed, still periods and seasons might occur, in which no protecting duty whatever could be adhered to. In a time of great scarcity it could not be said to a starving population, that they should pay any thing in addition to the natural price of corn. He threw out these observations merely to show, that there was a great difficulty belonging to this question; but, he was perfectly satisfied that their lordships must proceed to its consideration, with the view of making some alteration in the present system. This, he thought, would appear to be called for on several grounds. The price of corn in this country was now nearly double what it was in 1815, when the present system was fixed. The argument used in making that arrangement was, that it was necessary to raise the price, in order to secure a reasonable profit on cultivation. This appeared to be by no means necessary now, with 80s. for the importation price. He felt, however, that he should not be rightly discharging his duty, if he ventured to give any opinion as to what ought to be the duty, or import price. Next session an opportunity would be afforded their lordships for a full consideration of the subject. In the mean time, he should only state what appeared to him to be the different principles on

under consideration, he was anxious to put the House in possession of his views and feelings on the subject.

doing away of the system altogether. He agreed with the noble earl, as to the difficulty of fixing a duty which would not be found very inconvenient in periods of scarcity or abundance; but, at the same

calculated to prevent scarcity. While, however, he entertained this opinion as to a fixed duty, he was far from regarding parliament to be now in a situation to determine the average price, which would afford a sufficient guarantee to the British cultivator, and next the average rate of

which their lordships would have to decide. He had stated, that the present system could not be maintained that was to say, with respect to the importation The Marquis of Lansdown said, he had price in consequence of the effect which a petition to present from the city of Lonit had on the value of labour. Their don, praying for a revision of the Corn lordships would, therefore, have to pro laws, which he should submit to their ceed on one of three principles. First; lordships to-morrow. He concurred in they might alter the importation price, much of what had fallen from the noble and in other respects retain the system. earl opposite; at the same time, he must Secondly; they might alter the existing observe, that the result of much delibesystem altogether, and, adopting the re-rate and serious reflection on this subject commendation of the committee of 1822, had brought him to the conclusion, that impose protecting duties with a maximum, it would be ultimately impossible for parbeyond which importation should be per-liament to continue a system of restrictive fectly free, and a minimum, under which Corn laws. It would, therefore, be the no importation should be allowed. Third-duty of parliament to look forward to the ly; a general protecting duty might be fixed, getting rid of the present system of averages. Either of these latter plans would form a complete alteration in the present state of the Corn laws; but, the last mode could not be resorted to, with-time, he regarded such a plan as the best out placing somewhere a discretionary power to remove the duty altogether in a time of scarcity. Much difficulty would be found in establishing a maximum or minimum along with a fixed protecting duty. If, therefore, a fixed duty should be rejected, their lordships would have the option, either of adhering to the pre-productiveness on the continent. sent system with an alteration of the im- was sure that most erroneous notions preport price, or establishing a system of vailed as to the average cost and price of protecting duties with a maximum and agricultural produce on the continent, minimum; or else of taking a maximum and that there was great difficulty in deand minimum without any protecting duty. termining what it was likely to be, in such He knew not whether he had made him- a way as to enable their lordships accuself intelligible; but, he thought it right rately to fix a rate of duty. In coming to lay before the House the different sys- to a determination, it would be their lordtems which it was likely their lordships ships' duty to endeavour to conciliate all would have to discuss. He must again the interests in the country, and to take repeat, that it was not his intention to care that the balance should not incline propose any alteration in the Corn laws too much to the one side or the other. during the present, session. He did not Their great object should be, to arrive at know, however, but that one particular something fixed and permanent; for, bad part of the present system might sooner as the present system was, he would rather be brought under their lordships' consi- retain it with all its faults, than change it deration; he meant the question relating for one still liable to fluctuation. It was to the bonded corn which had been and obvious that if too high a price were fixed, still was in warehouses. That question the manufacturing interest would have had already undergone some alteration just reason to complain of the dearness of with respect to Canada corn. With re- provisions, which must raise the price of gard to the other bonded corn, those every kind of labour. If the price were members of the landed interest whom he fixed too low, the landed interest would had consulted on the subject were favour-be injured, and with it, as recent events able to the contemplated alteration. As had most strikingly proved, every other to the general question, he certainly could interest in the country would be seriously not think it right to enter on its consider-affected. Their lordships would then be ation at that late period of the session; assailed with a clamour, and parliament but, aware that it must in due time come would be again compelled to raise the VOL. XIII.

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price. On these grounds, he thought he could not too strongly impress on their lordships, the necessity of considering this important subject in all its bearings; and, in their revision of the present system, of looking to the establishment of a permanent law, which would be capable of conciliating the interests of all the different classes of the empire.

The Earl of Lauderdale thanked the noble earl for the exposition he had given of his views on the Corn laws. It was not his intention then to deliver any opinion, as to any particular plan which it might be proper for parliament to adopt; but, he must remind their lordships, that while they were considering the subject, speculation would be at work. It was therefore necessary to delay their determination as little as possible, and to make the new system one of more certainty than the present. A fixed and permanent arrangement ought to be adopted, suited to a time of peace. The noble earl had stated, that under the present system, corn was in this country twice the price at which it was sold for on the continent; but, he should recollect, that when the last arrangement was made, the agriculturists were told that 80s. was to be the minimum. Their complaint, however, was, that the price had never reached 80s. However, during the existence of the arrangement, bread had never been at an unreasonable price. If it were intended to come at last to a permanent arrangement, he did not conceive that the task could be accomplished, without a most laborious inquiry, not only into the state of agriculture in this country, but into its relative situation in the other parts, of Europe. When their lordships considered that the present system, under various modifications, was the same which had endured for more than a century, they could not be too cautious in departing entirely from it. He did not say that it was perfect; but, it was one under which the agriculture of this country had long flourished. On this ground, he dreaded alteration. He dreaded it, because, if any change was to be, it ought to be to a permanent system, which was difficult; and, because the situation of the landed interest was different from that of any other. Capital was embarked on land under leases of twenty-one years, and the value of that capital would be instantly affected by any alteration of the law. All he should say at present was, that he hoped

the inquiry would be extensive, and that the discussion would be conducted with liberality.

The Earl of Liverpool wished to make one observation more, in consequence of what had fallen from the noble lords opposite. He fully agreed with them in the importance of a careful investigation, and that if a change of system were made, it should be one of as permanent a nature as possible. But, if they were to look to the price of grain in this country and abroad, they would find that nothing could be of a more varying nature. To be convinced of this, they had only to refer to the prices of the last thirty years. The different rate of taxation in this and other countries necessarily caused a great difference of price, and rendered it difficult to come to a decision on the question of duty. The variation in the weight of the taxation, too, from seventy to forty millions, was a cause of fluctuation. Prussia, Poland, and other countries, from which foreign corn was usually imported, were all poor; but, as they increased in wealth and civilization, their power of supplying us would become less. These were all circumstances hostile to that permanency which was so desirable. Their lordships would have to consider, whether they would adhere to the present system, or adopt one of protecting or fixed duties; but, in whatever way they might proceed, it appeared to him, that they never could expect to obtain that certainty which would enable them to fix an unalterable price.

Lord King said, he wished a determination to be come to on this subject as speedily as possible; for, in consequence of the agitation of the question, bargains between individuals must be at a stand, until a settlement took place. He was glad that the noble earl opposite was to call the attention of parliament to the subject; and he hoped that an understanding would be brought about between the landed interest and the manufacturers. Wheat in some of the continental ports was 18s.; but, if the market was opened in this country, it would rapidly rise perhaps to 56s. or 60s.; but, whatever might be the present price, great difficulty would be experienced in founding on it a fixed rate for importation. One great inconvenience of a high rate was, that when the ports were suddenly thrown open, an immense importation took place. Some measure ought to be adopted, to restrain

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the excessive importation which took | right hon. gentleman a complete party to place in such cases. what had been done. He was, therefore, astonished to hear the right hon. gentleman disclaim any participation in it. He was confident, that the more the House and country considered these important topics, the more they would be convinced of the propriety of continuing the repeal of the Combination laws.

The Earl of Rosslyn hoped, that nothing would be done in this matter without a complete inquiry, and without having the whole subject sifted to the bottom. The burthen of proving the necessity of change lay upon those who proposed to alter the present system. As the change would affect the state of every contract throughout the country, the intended investigation would require great caution and delicacy.

Lord Calthorpe, after expressing his opinion in favour, of the proposed investigation, presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Birmingham, praying for a revision of the Corn laws. The Earl of Darnley was glad to hear that this important subject was to be inquired into. He always regarded the landed and commercial classes of the country as having one common interest. Of this he was certain, that if the landed interest was injured by any change in the corn laws, the British manufacturers would lose their best customers. He approved of the plan of coming to no decision until next session.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, April 25.

COMBINATION LAWS.] Mr. Hobhouse presented a petition from a deputation from the weavers of Rochdale, who had arrived in London, praying that they might be examined before the committee to whose consideration the Combination Laws had been referred. The hon. gen. tleman observed, that in the course of the evening a petition would be presented from above 4,000 weavers of Rochdale, praying that the act for the repeal of the Combination laws, which had passed last session, might not be rescinded. It was evident that even the repeal of bad laws, if those laws had been long in existence, might, in the first instance, have an unfavourable tendency; and therefore that it would be extremely unjust to pronounce upon the expediency of such a repeal after only six months' experience. He confessed that he was astonished when he heard the other evening, the president of the Board of Trade complain of the enactments of last session upon this subject, as if he had not been a party to them. Now, he had attended the committee upon it pretty regularly, and he considered the

Lord Stanley presented a petition from the operative woollen manufacturers of Rochdale, against the re-enactment of the Combination laws.

Mr. Sykes observed, that, on a former evening, remarks had been made on the conduct of the committee of last year, on the Combination laws, which, had he been present, he certainly would have answered. He thought that committee had been very hardly used. It was a committee composed of a number of most intelligent gentlemen, with the exception of one; and they had most carefully investigated the subject. Some evils did undoubtedly arise from the operation of the new law; but those evils were nothing, when compared with the state of things which existed before the law was altered. By that measure hundreds of thousands of people had been released from the unjust shackles which had before been imposed on them. He was not so much surprised, under the circumstances of the case, that a few acts of violence had been committed, as that they were so small in number. If an attempt were made to reenact those laws, it would, he was sure, be prejudicial to the peace and tranquillity of the country.

Sir M. W. Ridley thought it right to say, that the committee had no such intention, as that to which the hon. member had alluded. They had only considered what the effect of those laws had been. To that simple inquiry they confined themselves, without indulging in any idea as to what their future conduct should be. They had opened their doors to petitions from all quarters; they had endeavoured to get as much information as possible; and, whatever they might ultimately recommend to the House would depend entirely on that evidence.

Ordered to lie on the table.

CORN LAWS.] Mr. T. Wilson rose to present a petition, signed by a numerous and respectable body of the merchants, bankers, ship-owners, and other inhabitants of the city of London, amounting to

allowed to be commonly open. Under these circumstances, and considering, likewise, that the present law was subject to great abuse, and that the regulation of the trade had not operated in the way which was contemplated when the law was framed, the petitioners came to parliament to request that the act should be repealed, and that a different and more beneficial

that a fixed duty on the importation of corn appeared to them to be the most wise and efficacious measure that could be adopted. It was, they conceived, the only way in which a fair trade could be carried on; since by it they would get rid of the mischief to which the country was at present liable from fraudulent returns; and, if the landed interest did not get such very high prices as they did from time to time, they would receive fair remunerating prices, and would enjoy a steady market. The petitioners took the liberty of stating their belief, that the difference between the charges in one country and in another afforded the best criterion of what a pro

upwards of 5,000 persons, on a most important question; namely, a revision of the Corn laws of this country. He hoped, as the subject was one of deep and general interest, that the House would favour him with their attention, while he made a few observations upon it. The petition was the result of one of the most numerous and respectable public meetings that ever was convened. The meeting was so un-system should be pursued. They stated, animous, that but a single hand was held up against two of the resolutions on which the petition was founded. The petitioners begged leave to express their opinion, that a high price of food generally, as compared with the price of other countries, was a very great evil: it deprived the mass of the people of many comforts; it lowered the energy of labour in this country; it retarded the production of wealth; it had an injurious effect on commerce; and was prejudicial to the English character, generally, in foreign markets. They were also of opinion, that the constant variation in the price of corn was an evil scarcely less than the existence of extravagant prices themselves. Under the exist-tecting duty should be. The petitioners ing system, the people never could have the benefit of corn the growth of foreign countries, until that article had reached a very high price here. In consequence, they had to pay nearly double the sum which ought to be paid for that article when imported, because the foreign markets were guided by ours; they assimilated as nearly as they could to our prices; and when those prices rose, a progressive rise took place in the continental markets. By delaying to open the ports until corn was at an extravagantly high rate, they were ultimately obliged to pay double the price for which they might have purchased it, had the ports been opened a few months before. There was another inconvenience produced by this extraordinary rise of price. When the price mounted up to a great height, foreign countries were immediately induced to unlock their surplus produce, for the purpose of deriving the benefit of that high price. When corn thus came in from all quarters, the market was completely deluged with it; and it afterwards took three, four, or five years to relieve the country from it. During this time the landed interest must bring their corn to market under circumstances of great disadvantage. They were compelled to sell it for what they could get; which would not be the case, if there was a fair protecting duty, and the ports were

wished such a duty to be levied as would allow corn to be sold at a fair price. They were by no means desirous that it should be so low as to induce a depression of price, that would be injurious to the landowner. The petitioners observed, that it might be supposed, by those who had not considered the subject, that the manufacturing interest was at variance with the landed interest. This they denied; and they declared their firm conviction, that the principles advocated by them, would, on the contrary, lead to an increase of trade which would be most beneficial to both parties. As he had been intrusted with this petition, he would say, that as no man would go further than he would to place this trade on a proper foundation, so no man would approach the subject with greater delicacy. It was hardly possible for any person to say what was the exact price which would afford a fair tection to the landed interest. In apportioning that protection, if he erred, he certainly would rather err by giving too much than by giving too little. He was anxious, as far as possible, to place trade of every kind on a footing conformable with the sentiments of the right hon. gentleman who was at the head of the Board of Trade. There was one circumstance which rendered it awkward to bring this subject before the House at

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