Upon the probable consequences of a colonial blockade, (the) only thing like a blockade in the new system) as it applies to the enemy's designs in Europe, the following remarks are quite conclusive.

This meafure is much more plain and confiftent with belligerent views than the refl of the plan; but, when examined, it appears equally fhortfighted and unwife. The blockade of the enemy's colonies can only have two ohjefta-to deprive the enemy of certain articles of con. fumption; and to increase the demand for thofe articles in our own market. These objects are, in a confiderable degree, incompatible; for our West India produce commonly finds a vent on the Continent, by fupplying the wants of the enemy. But fuppofing, for argument fake, that both the two ends may be gained at once, let us examine the confequences.

The French have borne every species of public and private calamity for nearly eighteen years; they have paffed through all the viciffitudes of revolution, from anarchy to defpotifm; they have tafted only of war, with its whole train of evils, of which privations have been the smalleft; they have fuffered the moft unfparing confcription, augmented in rigour as the fervice of the army became more irksome and dangerous: to all this they have fubmitted in quiet, with rallying points for emigration in the neighbouring nations, and for rebellion in the heart of their own country. No dangers, no calamities, no private diftreffes, not even the confeription itself, has ever extorted a murmur of difcontent and we now expect infurrections to break out as foon as coffee and fugar fhall become scarce at Paris, or the army fhall find tobacco growing dear! The confeription is at an end, or is become only holiday work; the armies go out, not to fight, but to revel in triumph, and to amufe them felves with foreign travel: But grocery and fnuff are advancing in price, and let Bonaparte look to it! If he does not speedily make peace on our terms, restore the Bourbons, and give up Belgium, his earthly courfe is run!-This is the argument.

But if it be not a waste of time to give fuch pofitions as these a serious refutation, let us only confider how little chance any commercial blockade has of being effectually enforced. Every successful attempt of this kind which we make, augments incalculably the temptations to elude our vigilance. If certain drugs, for example, were almost excluded from France by the activity of our cruizers, their price would rife fo enormously, that a neutral merchant would find his account in at tempting to land a cargo of bark, (neceffarily lowered in price elsewhere), though he fhould lofe three fourths in the attempt; fo that we shall in wain continue to wage war against the wretched hofpitals of our enemy. To a certain degree the fame remark applies in all the other cafes. Io one way or another the goods will find their way from the places of glut, to thofe of demand. Their prices may be fomewhat enhanced and the ufe of fuch as are not effentially neceffary, will be diminished.

• All the changes of this fort, however, which we attempt to make, and to a certain degree fuccefsfully, will take place gradually. The

flock

ftock in hand will be economized in proportion as the further fupplies are obftructed, and, inftead of producing lafting difcontents, or even disgust with the war, among our enemies, we cannot help furnishing the very remedy along with the evil, by teaching them gradually to alter certain habits in themfelves indifferent. It would not be fo irrational for their rulers to expect that fome hatred of England should arife out of this policy; but for us, who have not once excited the leaft difpofition to throw off the French yoke by all our hoftilities-who fee the French people themselves, not merely unfubdued, but even flourishing after all our victories over their trade-for us to think of conquering, by the fcarcity of two or three wares, the people whom our greateft captains and innumerable ships have never humbled during years of the most fuccessful naval warfare-furely exceeds the bounds even of popular or party delufion. p. 47-51.

The only remaining part of the fubject, the effects of the blockade in relieving our own planters, we have already, in treating of Weft Indian affairs, had occafion to anticipate. Referring our readers to laft Number for the difcuffion, it may be proper merely to add in this place, that fuch relief is confefledly temporary; it is bounded by the war; and the produce which it muft caufe to be accumulated in the hoftile colonies, coming over fuddenly and in enormous quantities the moment peace is reftored, will give even thofe planters, who have been relieved in the mean while, abundant reafon to lament fo fhortfighted a policy, and to with that they had wifely had recourfe to the only radical cure for the evils complained of-a diminished cultivation of the great ftaples.

Convinced as we are, that the general view which we have now taken, is sufficient to expofe the monftrous errors of the new sys tem; and confidering, that the arguments now offered apply to the cafe of the neutrals yielding implicit obedience, as well as to the more probable fuppofition of their quarrelling with us, we are the lefs anxious about examining the laft branch of the work before us, which expofes the dangers of the fyftem to our relations with America. One of the moft ftriking parts of the whole folly is, the peculiar time chofen for proclaiming it. The Americans, then the only neutrals, were on bad terms with France;-a month's delay might have induced them to join us heartily in our hoftilities;-and we preclude the poflibility of this event by our own act and deed. It is, however, juftly remarked in the tract before us, that they are fhortsighted politicians indeed, who would prefer the cooperation, to the neutrality of America. Our commerce could only be more injured by one event, than by America quarrelling with France; and that event is,-her quarrelling with England.

It is impoffible to close these remarks, without alluding to the topics

topics touched upon at the conclufion of this tract, the gloomy profpects of the country in the prefent awful crifis. Deftined to fight the battles of Europe, with an enemy always upbraided for his want of principle, and his utter contempt of the rights of nations, England has chofen, for the first time, to abandon the high ground on which he has hitherto ftood, and to ftrive with that enemy in the pernicious, as well as defpicable race of injustice to unoffending and unprotected states. It is this which forms the worst feature in our prefent case-this avowal of profligacy, first in our actions, and fince, even in our ftate papers-this regret, which we have now feen expreffed in declarations under the Sovereign's name, that we have fo long abstained from deeds of violence, and ftuck fo long to the wreck of public principle ;-this it is which may justly terrify us, now that we are preparing for new battles, whether we view it as the fure fymptom of approaching downfal, or as a no lefs certain cause of diffidence in our own courage, and exultation to the enemy.

This nation has always been too fond of war; and has usually gone on fighting, as Mr Hume has observed, for a year or two after the objects were attained, or finally lost, for which it had entered into hostilities. The rancour which has been generated during our present contest with France, and the tone of boastful defiance which has been encouraged in its later periods, have strengthened this national propensity to a degree, which seems to us to border on insanity. But the love of war, we trust, is not, even at the present moment, so strong in the body of the nation, as the love of justice and the dread of dishonour;-and, when they find under what form, and with what consequences, our future hostilities are to be carried on, they may look with less aversion to the cessation of a contest, that threatens, in its progress, to undo the civilization of the world.

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