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ftock in hand will be economized in proportion as the further fupplics are obftructed, and, instead of producing lasting discontents, or even disguft with the war, among our enemies, we cannot help furnishing the very remedy along with the evil, by teaching them gradually to alter certain habits in themselves indifferent. It would not be so irrational for their rulers to exped that some hatred of England should arise out of this policy ; but for us, who have not once excited the least disposie tion to throw off the French yoke by all our hoftilities who see the French people themselves, not merely unsubdued, but even flourishing after all our vi&ories over their trade-for us to think of conquering, by the scarcity of two or three wares, the people whom our greateft captains and innumerable ships have never humbled during years of the most fuccessful naval warfare-surely exceeds the bounds even of popular or party delusion.' P. 47-51.
The only remaining part of the subject, the effects of the blockade in relieving our own planters, we have already, in treating of West Indian affairs, had occasion to anticipare. Referring our readers to last Number for the discussion, it may be proper merely to add in this place, that such relief is confeitedly tempo. raty ;-it is bounded by the war; and the produce which it must caufe to be accumulated in the hostile colonies, coming over suddenly and in enormous quantities the moment peace is restored, will give even those planters, who have been relieved in the mean while, abundant reason to lament fo shortfighted a policy, and to with that they had wisely had recourse to the only radical cure for the evils complained of-a diminished cultivation of the great ftaples.
Convinced as we are, that the general view which we have now taken, is sufficient to expofe the monstrous errors of the new syfi tem; and considering, that the arguments now offered apply to the case of the neutrals yielding inplicit obedience, as well as to the more probable supposition of their quarrelling with us, we are the less anxious about examining the last branch of the work be fore us, which expofes the dangers of the fyftem to our relations with America. One of the most striking parts of the whole fol ly is, the peculiar time chosen for proclaiming it. The Americans, then the only neutrals, were on bad terms with France ;-a month's delay might have induced them to join us heartily in our hostilities ;-and we preclude the possibility of this event by our own act and deed. It is, however, justly remarked in the tract before us, that they are shortfighted politicians indeed, who would prefer the cooperation, to the neutrality of America. Our commerce could only be more injured by one event, than by America quarrelling with France; and that event is,-her quarrelling with England. de is imposible to close these remarks, without alluding to the
topics touched upon at the conclusion of this tract,--the gloomy prospects of the country in the present awful crisis. Destined to fight the battles of Europe, with an enemy always upbraided for his want of principle, and his utter contempt of the rights of nations, England has chosen, for the first time, to abandon the high ground on which she has hitherto stood, and to strive with that enemy in the pernicious, as well as despicable race of injustice to unoffending and unprotected states. It is this which forms the worit feature in our preient case-this avowal of profligacy, first in our actions, and since, even in our state papers-this regret, which we have now seen expressed in declarations under the Sovereign's name, that we have so long abstained from deeds of violence, and stuck so long to the wreck of public principle ;-this it is which may justly terrify us, now that we are preparing for new battles, whether we view it as the sure symptom of approaching downfal, or as a no less certain cause of diffidence in our own courage, and exultation to the enemy,
This nation has always been too fond of war; and has usually gone on fighting, as Mr Hume has observed, for a year or two afa ter the objects were attained, or finally lost, for which it had entered into hostilities. The rancour which has been generated during our present contest with France, and the tone of boastful defiance which has been encouraged in its later periods, have strengthened this national propensity to a degree, which seems to us to border on insanity. But the love of war, we trust, is not, even at the present moment, so strong in the body of the nation, as the love of justice and the dread of dishonour;-and, when they find under what form, and with what consequences, our future hostilities are to be carried on, they may look with less aver. sion to the cessation of a contest, that threatens, in its progress, to undo the civilization of the world.
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