which have hovered around him at favoured moments; to fix the fleeting colours of imagination and prolong the life of transient emotions; perhaps he may be content with the soberer purpose of diffusing useful information through an agreeable channel. The action, indeed, of his piece must be one; and it is possible that the whole of this one action may terminate in the exclusive illustration of one moral sentiment; but it is equally possible, and more likely, that it will illustrate two or twenty. These two or twenty we may indeed generalize into one; for there are no two propositions on earth, which this same art of generalisation cannot in some way compound; but where is the advantage of a compound, which must be repulverized before it can be turned to any account?

The moral effect of a work ought perhaps to be the same with its moral; but it is not always so; and, under correction, it forms a far more important object of inquiry. The professed moral of Pamela is Virtue rewarded.' Every reader, however, must admit, that the intended effect of the novel is not so much to make women virtuous for the sake of reward (though this may be one object), as to make them in love with the virtue of the heroine, and to excite in them that desire of imitating it, which would live and act, not only in the prospect of reward, but in the very face of punishment. So distinguishable is the tendency of a work from the pithy little adage which may conclude it, that nothing is more conceivable than a most immoral work with a most excellent moral. Novels of this description we have all heard of; and too many of us have read.

This sentiment, that virtue must and will be rewarded, is frequently repeated in Elisabeth; and occasionally, though in enthusiastic moments, in language unwarrantably bold. Now, we are fond of poetical justice; among other reasons, because, like every thing else in poetry, it is an improved resemblance of nature. But indeed, though this may be the moral of Madame Cottin's story, it forms a very slight addition to its moral effect. Such excellence as that of our heroine, must equally touch and affect every impressible mind, whether it is prosperous or unfortunate, whether it illuminates a sphere of rank and fortune, or withers and dies on the banks of the Irtish. We may add, that the finely pensive remarks in the last page of the book are not exactly in unison with the sentiment before noticed. Here the author professes to speak from painful experience. The moral merit of Elisabeth consists in its general tendency; and this is, to excite the fair reader to imitate the example set forth before her, of piety, resignation, filial duty, and virtuous resolution. These excellences are surely not so common, but that they may admit of a some

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what further diffusion. Neither is it necessary that, to improve by the model of a particular character, we should be placed in circumstances exactly or nearly the same, or that we should have the opportunity of exerting exactly the same qualities. There is a near alliance between goodness and goodness; and it is much to have our minds intent on the general idea of what is elevated. While multitudes around us live for little else but themselves, it is much to be told of those who can live for others. It is much that those immersed in dissipation and folly, should be be made to hear of characters supposed to be formed on a higher standard; and not only to hear, but to love them; to think of them, to dream of them. Example itself is contagious, and

A good man feen, though filent, counsel gives.'

In these views, the merits of such a novel as this are considerable. Happy, if a tenth part of the lumber which is honoured with the name, could be honoured with a tenth part of the en

comium.

ART. XIII. The Carnatic Question considered.
Member of Parliament.

1807.

In a Letter to
London,

8vo. Pp. 104. Evans.

TH HE late assumption of the sovereignty of the Carnatic by the general government of the East India Company, though one only of the many questionable acts by which our Asiatic empire has of late years been systematically extended, still appears to have been attended with circumstances so extraordinary, as to excite some degree of curiosity in a public at no time very careful of its Indian affairs, and now sufficiently occupied with its domestic concerns. As we highly approve of a curiosity capable of producing effects so beneficial, we take the opportunity of the little work before us to call the attention of our reader to this singular transaction. For the benefit of those who may come new to the subject, we shall premise a very short account of the country and its sovereigns.

The country which is known to Europeans by the general name of the Carnatic, extends from lat. 8' ", to 16' north,

along the sea coast, and embraces a depth of from one, to two hundred miles inland. It contains in all, about forty-six thousand square miles. The great body of the people are Hindoos; although they have long been subjected to the dominion of the Mahometans, in the person of their chief ruler, who is styled Nabob; and, from the chief town in the province, Nabob of Ar

cot.

cot. There are few countries to which nature has been more favourable in point of climate; and none, certainly, in Asia, can boast of a more civilized, or ingenious race of inhabitants.

The general government of Indostan may be said to consist of an emperor, in the person of the Great Mogul, who resides at Delhi; his lieutenant-governors, or subahdars, who reign over several provinces; and the immediate governors of provinces, or nabobs. The term Nabob (or more properly Naieb), signifies a deputy. A nabob ought properly to hold his commission from Delhi; and if, at his death, a successor has not been previously appointed by the Great Mogul, the soubah has the right of naming a person to administer the nabobship, until the will of the sovereign is known; but a nabob thus appointed by a soubah, is not considered as finally established, until he is confirmed from Delhi. The soubah receives from the several nabobs, the annual revenues of the crown, and remits them to the treasury of the empire. The nabobs are obliged to accompany him in all military expeditions within the extent of his viceroyalty, but not in any without that extent. These regulations were intended to place them in such a state of dependence on the soubahs, as should render them subservient to the interest of the empire, and at the same time leave them in a state of independence, which would make it difficult for the soubah to make use of their assistance to brave the throne.

The constitution of the Mogul empire began to lose its vigour after the death of Aurungzebe, the ablest monarch that ever reigned over Indostan; but since the incursion of the Persians under Thamas Kouli Khan, it has declined more and more; so that, during the last fifty years, soubahs have been seen to maintain themselves in their governments against the will of the throne, and have consequently appointed nabobs under them, with as little regard to its authority. Nabobs, likewise, have kept possession of their governments, in opposition both to the soubah and the throne; and what is more extraordinary in the offices of a despotic state, both soubahs and nabobs have named their successors, who have often succeeded with as little opposition as if they had been heirs apparent of an hereditary dominion. Carnatic is one of the most considerable nabobships dependent on the soubah of the Decan.' (Orme's History, Vol. I. p. 36.)

The

Such was the constitution of Indostan at the period when Mr Orme wrote his excellent history; and although the lapse of nearly sixty years has rendered the sketch every day less like the original, the principle itself is still recognized. The nabobship of the Carnatic has been vested in the present family for more than half a century. Aneiar ul Deen, the great-grandfather of the pre

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sent nabob, having been appointed to that dignity by Nizam ul Mulck, in the year 1744, he was succeeded by his son Mahomed Ally, whose attachment to our interests in the various vicissitudes of our fortune, during our long and hazardous wars with the French, laid the first foundations of our empire in the East. After a regular appointment from the Mogul, he was ultimately acknowledged as nabob of the Carnatic by the French, in the treaty of Paris. Since that period, our after-wars with the French, and our long contests with Hyder, and his son Tippoo, gave him fresh occasions of showing such an adherence and fidelity to our cause, as is but rarely witnessed in the history of nations.

The Nabob of the Carnatic, at the period of our early con nexion with his family, maintained such an establishment of troops, and a general arrangement of state and dignity, as forms a striking contrast with his present fallen condition. He had at one time in his service an army of twenty regiments of infantry, seven of cavalry, with a due proportion of artillery, all commanded and disciplined by European officers. To possess a place in the Nabob's favour, or in that of his sons, was, in those days, one of the fairest roads to fortune; and his countenance was accordingly courted by the ambitious and aspiring, who had "either the talents to be useful, or the address to insinuate themselves into his favour. Nor was his influence confined to the seat of his own government; it extended to Europe; and, if report may be credited, he could at one time have reckoned on the votes of several members in a certain eminent assembly, who, if not his legal representatives, owed their seats to his patronage. Men of the first abilities and connexion, were retained in London, at no mean expense, to forward his interests and defend his cause; nor was there wanting to his dignity as ally of the British nation, any circumstance of ceremony and court etiquette, which might raise that relation in his own eyes, or in that of the neighbouring states. His rights were guaranteed in our alliances with European nations; men of high rank claimed the title of the King's representative at his Durbar; and his independency as a sovereign prince, was recognized by a solemn decree of the Court of Chancery.

These

* In a bill which was brought by the agents of the old Nabob of Arcot, Wallajah, in Chancery, against the English Eaft India Company, in 1791, he was declared by the latter, and recognized by the Court, to be a fovereign prince; and the cafe was accordingly rejected by the Lord Chancellor, as being the fubject of a public treaty betwixt the parties, and, as fuch, not a matter of municipal jurifdiction. See Vefey junior's Reports, Vol. I. p. 371. and Vol. II. p. 56, 60.

These great and eminent advantages of fortune, carried too commanding an influence not to make his situation an object of jealousy to other powers, who saw, or thought they saw, in his advancement, the foundation of their own downfal. To what extent these suppositions were well founded, is no object of the present inquiry. Nations, like individuals, may pursue the dictates of their own interest to any extent short of actual injury to others. The public law, like the municipal, has its fixed boundaries of right and wrong, up to which, it is wisdom for the party to forward his advancement, and beyond which it is criminal to trespass on the claims of others.

The military establishment of the Nabob was always too great for his revenue, and by various treaties or agreements with our government, his forces were gradually discharged or taken into our service-an arrangement, it was supposed, beneficial for both parties, as the discipline and attachment of the troops was better maintained from their being in our regular army; and the Nabob, being secure of our constant protection, had nothing to apprehend from any foreign enemy;-least of all, no doubt, from his friends the English, whose interests were now so interwoven with his as to be considered as inseparable. The Nabob gave up his army to us, with the greater portion of his revenues to pay them, and we had only to secure him in the enjoyment of what was left. The general outlines of our relation were as follows. All the large forts in the Carnatic were to be garrisoned by our troops,-the revenues were to be collected, and the general civil government administered by the Nabob's officers. To add, however, to the promptitude of our resources, in time of war the civil government was, in all its branches, revenue as well as others, to be assumed by the Company, and administered by their civil servants. The general amount of the gross revenue of the Carnatic, may be estimated at about twenty-six lacs of pagodas; the expenses of the collection may be eight lacs. The Nabob paid to us the sum of nine lacs, as his share of the expense of the military force, and also the further sum of six lacs in liquidation of certain debts. When these deductions are made, there will be found to have been no great surplus left for the maintenance of eastern state and dignity.

On the capture of Seringapatam, certain letters were said to have been found amongst the archives of the late Tippoo Sultan, expressive

Lord Macartney, in a letter to the Court of Directors, written in the year 1781, fpeculating on what might be the refult of a wife management of the Nabob's countries, rates the revenues, as in times of peace, at twelve hundred thousand pounds a year.