XIX.

Feb.

from the south again put forth all his ability, with a CHAP. determined interest in the coming struggle, as if he had sprung from the soil whose rights he defended. 1775. Strong in the sincerity of his convictions, he addressed the judgment, not the passions, aiming not at brilliancy of expression, but justness of thought, severe in youthful earnestness. "I lament," wrote Hamilton, "the unnatural quarrel between the parent state and the colonies; and most ardently wish for a speedy reconciliation, a perpetual and mutually beneficial union. I am a warm advocate for limited monarchy, and an unfeigned well-wisher to the present royal family; but, on the other hand, I am inviolably attached to the essential rights of mankind, to the true interests of society, to civil liberty as the greatest of terrestrial blessings."

"You are quarrelling for threepence a pound on tea, an atom on the shoulders of a giant," said the tories; and he answered: "The parliament claims a right to tax us in all cases whatever; its late acts are in virtue of that claim; it is the principle against which we contend."

"You should have had recourse to remonstrance

and petition," said the time-servers. "In the infancy of the present dispute," rejoined Hamilton, "we addressed the throne; our address was treated with contempt and neglect. The first American congress in 1765 did the same, and met with similar treatment. The exigency of the times requires vigorous remedies; we have no resource but in a restriction of our trade, or in a resistance by arms."

"But Great Britain," it was said, "will enforce her claims by fire and sword. The Americans are with

XIX.

Feb.

CHAP. out fortresses, without discipline, without military stores, without money, and cannot keep an army in 1775. the field; nor can troops be disciplined without regular pay and government by an unquestioned legal authority. A large number of armed men might be got together near Boston, but in a week they would be obliged to disperse to avoid starving." "The courage of Americans," replied Hamilton, "has been proved. The troops Great Britain could send against us, would be but few; our superiority in number would balance our inferiority in discipline. It would be hard, if not impracticable, to subjugate us by force. An armament sufficient to enslave America, will put her to an insupportable expense. She would be laid open to foreign enemies. Ruin like a deluge would pour in from every quarter."

"Great Britain," it was said, "will seek to bring us to a compliance by putting a stop to our whole trade." "We can live without trade," answered Hamilton; "food and clothing we have within ourselves. With due cultivation, the southern colonies, in a couple of years, would afford cotton enough to clothe the whole continent. Our climate produces wool, flax, and hemp. The silkworm answers as well here as in any part of the world. If manufactures should once be established, they will pave the way still more to the future grandeur and glory of America; and will render it still securer against encroachments of tyranny."

"You will raise the resentment of the united inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland," objected his adversaries. "They are our friends," said he; "they know how dangerous to their liberties the loss of

ours must be. The Irish will sympathize with us CHAP. and commend our conduct."

The tories built confidently upon disunion among the colonies. "A little time," replied Hamilton, " will awaken them from their slumbers. I please myself with the flattering prospect, that they will, ere long, unite in one indissoluble chain."

It was a common argument among the royalists of those days, that there were no immutable principles of political science; that government was the creature of civil society, and therefore that an established government was not to be resisted. To this the young philosopher answered rightly: "The supreme intelligence, who rules the world, has constituted an eternal law, which is obligatory upon all mankind, prior to any human institution whatever. He gave existence to man, together with the means of preserving and beautifying that existence; and invested him with an inviolable right to pursue liberty and personal safety. Natural liberty is a gift of the Creator to the whole human race. Civil liberty is only natural liberty, modified and secured by the sanctions of civil society. It is not dependent on human caprice; but it is conformable to the constitution of man, as well as necessary to the well being of society."

"The colony of New York," continued his antagonists, "is subject to the supreme legislative authority of Great Britain." "I deny that we are dependent on the legislature of Great Britain," he answered; and he fortified his denial by an elaborate discussion of colonial history and charters.

It was retorted, that New York had no charter. "The sacred rights of mankind," he rejoined, "are

XIX.

1775.

Feb.

XIX.

1775.

CHAP. not to be rummaged for among old parchments or musty records. They are written, as with a sunFeb. beam, in the whole volume of human nature by the hand of the divinity itself; and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power. Civil liberty cannot be wrested from any people without the most manifold violation of justice, and the most aggravated guilt. The nations Turkey, Russia, France, Spain, and all other despotic kingdoms in the world, have an inherent right, whenever they please, to shake off the yoke of servitude, though sanctioned by immemorial usage, and to model their government upon the principles of civil liberty."

So reasoned the gifted West Indian, as though the voices of the Puritans had blended with the soft tropical breezes that rocked his cradle; or rather as one who had caught glimpses of the divine archetype of freedom. The waves of turbulent opinion dashed against the obstacles to their free course; New York still desired a constitutional union, embracing Great Britain and America, but was resolved, at all events, to make common cause with the continent.

CHAPTER XX.

PARLIAMENT DECLARES MASSACHUSETTS IN REBLLLION.

JANUARY 23-FEBRUARY 9, 1775.

XX.

Jan.

THE confidence of the ministry reposed more and CHAP. more on the central provinces, and Dartmouth took བ for granted the peaceful settlement of every question; 1775. yet six sloops of war and two frigates were under orders for America, and it was ostentatiously heralded that seven hundred marines from England, and three regiments of infantry with one of light horse from Ireland, making a reinforcement of two thousand four hundred and eighteen men, were to be prepared for embarkation; "less to act hostilely against the Americans, than to encourage the friends of government."

In the house of commons, the various petitions in behalf of America, including those from London and Bristol, were consigned to a committee of oblivion, and ridiculed as already "dead in law." Hayley, of London, rebuked the levity of the house. "The rejection of the petitions of the trading interests," said he, on the twenty-sixth of January, "must drive on a