CHAP. Covenant, which was adopted without opposition, XIII. and inaugurated the abolition of the slave-trade: 1774. "We will neither import, nor purchase any slave

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imported after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue the slavetrade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it."

This first American congress also adopted another measure, which was without an example. It recognised the political existence and power of the people. While it refused to petition parliament, it addressed the people of the provinces from Nova Scotia to Florida, the people of Canada, the people of Great Britain; making the printing press its great ambassador to the rising power.

Of the British people, congress entreated a return to the system of 1763: "Prior to this era," said they in the language of Jay, "you were content with wealth produced by our commerce. You restrained our trade in every way that could conduce to your emolument. You exercised unbounded sovereignty over the sea." Still assenting to these restrictions, they pleaded earnestly for the enjoyment of equal freedom, and demonstrated that a victory over the rights of America, would not only be barren of advantage to the English nation, but increase their public debt with its attendant pensioners and placemen, diminish their commerce, and lead to the overthrow of their liberties by violence and corruption. "To your justice," they said, "we appeal. You have been told that we are impatient of government and desirous of independency. These are calumnies. Per

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mit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever CHAP. esteem a union with you to be our greatest glory and our greatest happiness. But if you are determined 1774. that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind; if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of law, the principles of the constitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause, we must then tell you that we will never submit to any ministry or nation in the world."

A second congress was appointed for May, at which all the colonies of North America, including Nova Scotia and Canada, were invited to appear by their deputies. The ultimate decision of America was then embodied in a petition to the king, written by Dickinson, and imbued in every line with a desire for conciliation. In the list of grievances, congress enumerated the acts, and those only which had been enacted since the year 1763, for the very purpose of changing the constitution or the administration of the colonies. They justified their discontent by fact and right; by historic tradition, and by the ideas of reason. "So far from promoting innovations," said they truly, "we have only opposed them; and can be charged with no offence, unless it be one to receive injuries and be sensible of them." Acquiescing in the restrictions on their ships and industry, they professed a readiness on the part of the colonial legislatures to make suitable provision for the administration of justice, the support of civil government, and for defence, protection, and security in time of peace; in case of war, they pledged the colonies to "most strenuous efforts in granting supplies and rais

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CHAP. ing forces." But the privilege of thus expressing XIII. their affectionate attachment they would "never 1774. resign to any body of men upon earth." "We ask,” they continued, "but for peace, liberty, and safety. We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor the grant of any new right. Your royal authority over us, and our connection with Great Britain, we shall always support and maintain ;" and they besought of the king "as the loving father of his whole people, his interposition for their relief, and a gracious answer to their petition."

No more was asked by congress for their constituents than security in their ancient condition. From complacency towards Rockingham, they passed over the declaratory act in silence; and they expressed their cheerful assent to that power of regulating commerce, for which the elder Pitt had always been strenuous. But the best evidence of their sincerity is found in the measure which they recommended. Had independence been their object, they would have strained every nerve to increase their exports, and fill the country in return with the manufactures and munitions which they required. The suspension of trade was the most disinterested manner of expressing to the mother country how deeply they felt their wrongs, and how earnestly they desired a peaceful restoration of reciprocal confidence. While Britain would have only to seek another market for her surplus manufactures and India goods, the American merchant sacrificed nearly his whole business. The exchequer might perhaps suffer some diminution in the revenue from tobacco, but the planters of Maryland and Virginia gave up the entire exchangeable

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produce of their estates. The cessation of the export CHAP. of provisions to the West Indies, of flax-seed to Ire land, injured the Northern provinces very deeply; 1774. and yet it would touch only the British merchants who had debts to collect in the West Indies or Ireland, or the English owners of West Indian or Irish estates. Every refusal to import was made by the colonist at the cost of personal comfort; every omission to export was a waste of the resources of his family. Moreover, no means existed of enforcing the agreement; so that the truest patriots would suffer most. And yet the people so yearned for a bloodless restoration of the old relations with Britain, that they cheerfully entered on the experiment, in the hope that the extreme self-denial of the country would at least distress British commerce enough to bring the government to reflection.

But since their efforts to avert civil war might fail, John Adams expressed his anxiety to see New England provided with money and military stores. Ward, of Rhode Island, regarded America as the rising power that was to light all the nations of the earth to freedom. Samuel Adams urged his friends incessantly to study the art of war, and organize resistance; for he would never admit that the danger of a rupture with Britain was a sufficient plea for giving way. "I would advise," said he, "persisting in our struggle for liberty, though it were revealed from heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish, and only one of a thousand to survive and retain his liberty. One such freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness, than a thousand slaves; and let him propagate his like, and

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CHAP. transmit to them what he hath so nobly preserved." แ "Delightful as peace is," said Dickinson, "it will come more grateful, by being unexpected." Washington, while he promoted the measures of congress, dared not hope that they would prove effectual. When Patrick Henry read the prophetic words of Hawley, "after all we must fight," he raised his hand, and with the entire energy of his nature, called God to witness as he cried out, "I am of that man's mind."