XII. 1774. Oct. dred and twenty pounds of tea, on which the owner CHAP. of the vessel made haste to pay the duty. The people of Maryland resented this voluntary submission to the British claim which their delegates to the general congress were engaged in contesting. The fidelity and honor of the province seemed in question. A committee therefore kept watch, to prevent the landing of the tea; successive public meetings drew throngs even from distant counties; till the two importers and the ship owner jointly expressed their contrition, asked forgiveness in the most humiliating language, and offered to expiate their offence by burning the "detestable article" which had been the cause of their misconduct. When it appeared that this offer did not wholly satisfy the crowd, the owner of the brig, after a little consultation with Charles Carroll, himself proposed to devote that also to the flames. The offer was accepted. The penitent importers and owner went on board the vessel, and with her sails and colors flying, in the presence of a large multitude of gazers, they themselves set fire to the packages of tea, all which, together with the Peggy Stewart, her canvas, cordage, and every appurtenance, was consumed. CHAPTER XIII. XIII. 1774. CONGRESS WILL MAKE THE LAST APPEAL IF NECESSARY. OCTOBER, 1774. CHAP. WASHINGTON was convinced that not one thinking man in all North America desired independence. He Oct. ardently wished to end the horrors of civil discord, and restore tranquillity upon constitutional grounds, but his indignation at the wrongs of Boston could be appeased only by their redress; and his purpose to resist the execution of the regulating act was unalterable. "Permit me," said he, addressing a British officer, then serving under Gage, "with the freedom of a friend, to express my sorrow that fortune should place you in a service, that must fix curses to the latest posterity upon the contrivers, and if success (which by the by is impossible) accompanies it, execrations upon all those who have been instrumental in the execution. The Massachusetts people are every day receiving fresh proofs of a systematic assertion of an arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitution of their country, and to violate the most essential and valuable rights XIII. Oct. of mankind. It is not the wish of that government, CHAP. or any other upon this continent, separately or col lectively, to set up for independence; but none of 1774. them will ever submit to the loss of those rights and privileges without which life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure. Is it to be wondered at, that men attempt to avert the impending blow in its progress, or prepare for their defence if it cannot be averted? Give me leave to add as my opinion, that if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, more blood will be spilled on this occasion, than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of North America." Ross, a Pennsylvanian, moved that Massachusetts should be left to her own discretion with respect to government and the administration of justice as well as defence. The motion was seconded by Galloway, in the hope of obstructing the interference of congress. Had it been adopted, under the Pine Tree flag of her forefathers she would have revived her first charter, elected her governor, and established a popular government. But the desire of conciliation forbade a policy so revolutionary. The province was therefore left to its anarchy; but on the eighth of October it was resolved, though not unanimously, "that this congress approve the opposition of the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay to the execution of the late acts of parliament; and if the same shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in such case, all America ought to support them in their opposition." This is the measure which hardened George the Third to listen to no terms. He was inexorably bent on enforcing the new system of govern VOL. VII. 13 Oct. CHAP. ment in Massachusetts, and extending it to ConnecXIII. ticut and Rhode Island. The congress, when it 1774 adopted this resolve, did not know the extent of the aggressions which the king designed. Henceforth conciliation became impossible. Galloway and Duane desired leave to enter their protests against the measure; and as this was refused, they gave to each other privately certificates that they had opposed it as treasonable. But the decision of congress was made deliberately. Two days later, they further "declared that every person who should accept or act under any commission or authority derived from the regulating act of parliament, changing the form of government and violating the charter of Massachusetts, ought to be held in detestation;" and in their letter to Gage, they censured his conduct, as tending "to involve a free people in the horrors of war. In adopting a declaration of rights, the division which had shown itself in the committee was renewed. "Here," said Ward of Rhode Island, "no acts of parliament can bind. Giving up this point is yielding all." Against him spoke John Adams and Duane. "A right," said Lynch of Carolina, "to bind us in one case may imply a right to bind us in all; but we are bound in none." The resolution of concession was at first arrested by the vote of five colonies against five, with Massachusetts and Rhode Island divided, but at last was carried by the influence of John Adams. Duane desired next to strike the Quebec act from the list of grievances; but of all the bad acts of parliament Richard Henry Lee pronounced it the worst. His opinion prevailed upon a vote which Duane's adhesion made unanimous. XIII. 1774. Oct. Thus eleven acts of parliament or parts of acts, in- CHAP. cluding the Quebec act and the acts specially affecting Massachusetts, were declared to be such infringements and violations of the rights of the colonies, that the repeal of them was essentially necessary, in order to restore harmony between the colonies and Great Britain. The congress had unanimously resolved, from the first day of the coming December, not to import any merchandise from Great Britain and Ireland. If the redress of American grievances should be delayed beyond the tenth day of September of the following year, a resolution to export no merchandise to Great Britain, Ireland and the West Indies after that date was carried, but against the voice of South Carolina. When the members proceeded to bind themselves to these measures by an association, three of the delegates of that colony refused their names. "The agreement to stop exports to Great Britain is unequal," reasoned Rutledge; "New England ships little or nothing there, but sends fish, its great staple, to Portugal or Spain; South Carolina annually ships rice to England to the value of a million and a half of dollars. New England would be affected but little by the prohibition; Carolina would be ruined;" and he and two of his colleagues withdrew from the congress. Gadsden, who never counted the cost of patriotism, remained in his place, and trusting to the generosity of his constituents, declared himself ready to sign the association. All business was interrupted for several days; but in the end congress recalled the seceders by allowing the unconditional export of rice. The association further contained this memorable |